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ALBANY ATLAS— EXTRA— Fkbrttart, 1848. 



THE U 




CONVENTION 



VOICE OF ivew-yorm:: 



Proceedings of the Utica Convention, February 16, 1848, 

with the Speeches of John Van Buren, 

George Rathbun, &c. 

"Free Trade, Free Labor, Free Soil, Free Speech and Free Men." 



A Convention of Delegates from the various 
Assennbly Districts of the State of New York, 
convened at the Court House in the city of Utica, 
on the 16th day of February, 1848, in accordance 
with the following recommendation of the De- 
mocratic Members of the Legislature : 

Resolved, That it is recommended that the democratic 
electors of eacli assembly district in this State, to appoint a 
delegate to a State Convention, to be held with authority 
to choose delegates to represent the democracy of the 
State in the next National Convention, held for the purpose 
of nominating candidates for President and Vice Presi- 
dent of the United States; or to determine the manner in 
which such delegates to tho said National ConveDtion 
shall be chosen. 

Kesolvcd, That thp Staie Convention be held at Utica, 
on the 16th day ot February next, at l:i o'clock M. 

The Convention thus assembled was called to 
order by John Keyes Paige, of Albany, on 
whose motion, ABRAHAM BOCKEE, of Dutch- 
ess, was appointed Chairman. 

On motion of Jacob Gould, of Monroe, 
DANIEL H. TOMPKINS, of Queens, was ap- 
pointed Secretary. 

On motion of P. H. Thomas, of Rensselaer, 
C. T. VARY, of Livingston, was appointed an 
additional Secretary. 

On calling the roll 97 delegates, from 51 coun- 
ties, were found to be present. A telegraphic 
despatch was received from Albany, announcing 
that ten delegates from New York and three from 
Kings, were in that city, and would arrive by the 
1 o'cItKk train. 



On motion of Saxton Smith, of Putnam, 
a committee, to be composed of one Delegate 
from each Judicial District, was ordered to be 
appointed to report permanent officers for the 
Convention. 

On motion of Johw Van Buren, of Al- 
bany, a committee, to be similarly constituted, 
was ordered to be appointed to report an Address. 

On motion of P. H. Thomas, of Rensselaer, a 
like committee was ordered to be appointed, to 
report a series of resolutions for the consideration 
of the Convention. 

Under these motions, the Chair named the fbl- 
lowing committees, viz: — 

On Organization. 
2d District, Satton Smith, of Putnam. 
Ist " J. H. McMahon, of N. Y. 
3d " P. H.Thomas, of Rensselaer, 
fth " Ruj-us Heaton, of Clinton. 
5(h " William Taylor, ofOnondaga. 
6th " Thomas Farrington, of Tioga 
7th " Thomas Smith, of Ontario. 
Sth " T. B.Campbell, of Chautauque. 

On Address. 
3d District, John Van Buren, Albany. 
1st " Lucius Robinson, of N. Y. 
2d " John G. Floyd, of Suffolk. 
4th " Calvin T. Hurlburt, of St. Lawr. 
6th " Cha«. a. Mann, of Oneida. 
6th " O. C. Crocker, of Broome. 
7th " Benj. Tuthill. of Yates. 
Sth •• Isaac Shkhman, of Erie. 



\ 



^^\^ 

-^z^ 



On Resolutions. 
8th District, Jas. R. Doolittle, Wyoming. 
1st 
2d 
3d 
4th 
0th 
6th 
7th 



Nelson J. Wateubury, N. Y 
Robert Denniston, Orange, c ' ■ 
James Storms, Columbia. 
S. S. CowEN, Washington. 
Dennis McCarthy, Onondag-a. 
Samuel Medbury, Chenango. 
Jacob Gould, Monroe. 
The Conrention adjourned to 2J P. M. 
^FTERA'-OOJV SESSIOJV. 
The Committee on the nomination of perma-. 
. nent officers, through Mr. Smith, their Chair- 
man, reported the following, viz: 
President : 
Hon. JOHN TRACY, of Chenango. 
Vice Presidents : 
1st Dist. Henry Keyser, of New York. 
2d " RoBT. Denniston, of Orange. 
3d *' John Keyes Paige, of Albany. 
4th " H. S. Johnson, of St. Lawrence. 
5th " Abijah Beckwith, of Herkimer. 
6th " Henry S. Randall, ol Cortland. 
7th '* George Rathbun. of Cayuga. 
8th " H. P. DARRow.of Erie. 
Secretaries: 
Daniel H. Tompkins, of Queens. 
Calvin P. Vary, of Livingston. 
James W. Nye, of Madison. 
James S. Wh.4.llon, of Essex. 
The report of the Committee was unanimously 
•adopted, and the officers elect having taken their 
seats, the President returned thanks to the Con- 
vention for the honor conferred in the following 

ADDRESS. 
Gentlemen of the Convention: 

I return to you my grateful acknowledgements 
for the honor you have conferred upon me in 
electing me to preside on this occasion, and as- 
sure you 1 shall endeavor to discharge the duties 
of the Chair in a satisfactory manner. 

Assembled as the Representatives of the Demo- 
cratic party in this State it will be expected of] 
us, inour action here, that we sustain the politi- 
cal principles of that party and the men who have 
-adopted and will faithfully adhere to those prin- 
'ciples. 

This Convention has been organized according 
to the invariable usages of the Democracy of the 
State — usages so uniform and universally adhered 
to, that no attempt has ever been made, except in 
a recent instance, to organize a State Convention 
in any other manner. 

Upon this foundation, a regular organization, 
and a firm and vigorous support of Democratic 
principles, let us hope that all who desire the pre- 
dominance of these principles, all sections ot the 
Democratic party, may cordially unite to secure 
the triumph of our own cause in the State and 
Nation, and the greatest good to our country. 

H. 0. Cheesebro was admitted as a regularly 
substituted delegate from Ontaiio, in place of Al- 
bert Lester absent, and Charles K. Loomis, a 
like substitute from Jefferson in place of A. L. 
Green. 



On motion of Mr. Rathbun, Jonathan Brown 
•and Wm. Glover, were admitted as substitutes 
ftjr the two a'bsent delegates from Cayuga co. 

The roll was di'Pected to be called, when the 
following, delegates, H^ in number, answered to 
their^ names : ' >. 

^bany — Jo\ia Keyes Paige. Andrew J. Colvin, John Van 
Bffiea.Banent S. Winne. 
■MLegatiy^Wihiam Cobb, L. P. "Wetherby. 
iJruome— Oliver C. <ytocker. 

C<ii/ugtt— George Rathbun, Jonathan Brown, William 
Glovtr. 

Cluiittauque—T. B. Campbell, 
Chevtung—Gieen Benni'.t. 
Chenango— iohn Tracy, Samuel Medbury. 
C/in(on— Rufus Heaton. 
Cuiumii'a— Seneca M. Dorr, James Storms. 
Cortland— Hem y S Raniall. 
•DWoiuai-e— Johnson B. Bragg, Linus Porter. 
Dutchess -Abraham Bockee, Treadwell Townsend. 
£)ie— Isaac sheiman, H. P. Darrow, Dexter Ewell. 
£i.sex— lamts S. Whallon. 
Fulton ^ Hamilton— Clark S. Grinndl. 
Genesct — Dan Sprague. Harry Wiltmr. 
Greene— \3jai I'ruyn, Lewis ('randell. 
•Herfctmer— Jefferson Tillinghast, Abijah Beckwith. 
Jefferson— \. \V . Danfoith, S. Bond.C. K^ Loomis. 
Kings— Phiiip S. Grooke, Thomas Hegaman, George 
Hall. 
Lewis— Seymour Greene. 
Livingston— C. P. Vary, Hector Hitchcock. 
Madison— iamt-s W. Nye, V. W. Mason. 
JUoiiroc-Jacob Gould, William Wood, Siineon B. Jewett 
Montgomery — John Nellis. M Freeman. 
iVeu;-yo)■Jt-^tephen R. Hairi?, John McMahon, N. 
J. Wate:bury. Daniel W. Clark, Robeit H. Maclay , Ro- 
bert Getty, John K. Dcvelin, Wilson Small, Jacob Miller, 
Wilson G. Hunt, J. S. Vo>-burgh, Thomas B. Tappen, Lu- 
cius Robinson, Henry Kfyser, Thomas Claughley. 
iVtuoaio— Charles J. Fox, J. Jay Lawytr. 
Oneicio- Charles A. Mann, B.B.Hyde, Truman Enos, 
Richard Hulburt. 

Ono;ida»i— Dennis McCarthy, William Taylor, Cyru8 
H. Kingsley, Wm. Henderson. 

OiUorio— Thomas Smith, H. O. Cheesebro. 
Ocangc— Robt. Denniston, Lewis Cuddeback, Atm. C. 
MoBurnty. 
OWeairs— Peter Saxe. 

OsiDe?o— Beman Brockway, John B. Waison. 
Otsego— S. S. Burn-ide, J. P. Sill, John C. Spafford. 
Pudiam— Saxtun Smith. 
-QucfMs— Daniel H. Tompkins. 
Hensselaer—GtOTge .M. selJen, P. H.Thomas, Henry N. 
Wales. 

Richmond-J. S. Westervelt. 
KocWand— Matthew D. Bogert. 

St. Lawrence— Vieilon King, H. S. Johnson, Calvin 
T. Hulburd. 

Saratoga -.^bram Y. Lansing, P. H. Cowen. 
&c/ienec/ady— William Cunningham. 
ScAo/.ane-O. Hitch. 
Seneca— S. G. Had'ey. 

SUuien- Charles Glares, Otto F. Marshall, F. R. E. 
Cornell. ' 

Suffolk— John G. Floyd. 
Tioga— Thi.mas Farrington. 

Tomjifcins— Charles M. Turner, Harvey A. Dowe. 
Ulster-James Oliver, Jonathan D. Ostiander. 
Warren— V.'ilViim B. Farlin. 
Washingtoii-S. S Cowcn, John McLean. 
Wayne— R- Merrick, Theron R Strong. 
II eslchester-J. P. Peck, Jesse Rjder. 
Wyoming -James K. Doolittle. 
iaJes— Benjamin TulhilL 

No delegates appeared from the counties of 
Cattaraugus, Franklin and Sullivan. 

Mr. Doolittle, from the committee on reso- 
lutions, reported in part the two following resolu- 
tions, and asked leave to sit again: — 

Resolved, That the delegates from this State to theDe- 
mociatic R-pulilican National ( onvention, lor llje nomi- 
nation of Candidates for President and Vice President, 



shof d be ?el.>ctcd hy general ticket in accordance with 
the sape of the Uemocracy of the Statfe ol New York, es- 
40 jhed and heretofore adhered to, upon full and delib- 
e7 ! examination, as \vi;ll as with the general practice of 
y lemocracy of oiher ^'tates. 

7 rfrsolvtd. That a committee consisting ot one mexber 
' m each Coneressional District, be appointed to report 
' .e names of 36 delegates to the Natit)nal Convention, and 
Jaoof an alternate to each district. 
/ Mr. Jewett, of Monroe, moved to amend the 
ist resolution by confining the action ofthis con- 
vention, to the appointment of two Senatorial 
delegates, leaving to the people of the several 
Congressional Districts, the appointment of the ! 
remaining thirty-four delegates. I 

Mr BocKEE proposed that the Chair appoint 
eight delegates, one from each Congressional Dis- 
trict, to report the names of the two delegates for 
the State at large, leaving the question as to the 
appointment of the remaining delegates, open for 
future consideration. 

The ayes and noes were called on Mr. Jew- 
ett's amendment to adopt the District System : 
Five delegates only, viz : Messrs. Crooke, of 
Kings, Gould, Wood, and Jewett, of Monroe, 
and Getty, of New York ; (the latter stating that 
he did so under instructions,) voted in the affir- 
mative: so the question was lost. 

The first resolution was then unanimously 
adopted. 

The question next arising on the adoption of 
the second resolution, 

Mr. Jewett, of Monroe, moved to amend, by 
giving the Chair the power of appointing the 
Committee. Lost. 

Mr. Thomas moved a further amendment, that 
the delegates. from each Congressional District, 
be empowered to name their delegate to the Na- 
tional Convention, subject to the approval ofthis 
Convention. 

Mr. Wales moved that the delegates from 
each Congressional District name their own Com- 
mittee-man. ] 
Mr. Rathbun, of Cayuga, proposed that the 
delegates from each Congressional District, ex- 
cept New York, appoint one committee-man, and 
that the N. Y. city delegation appoint four. 

An animated debate sprung up on the amend- 
ments, in which Messrs. Seldi:n and Wales, of 
Rensselaer, Jewett, of Monroe, Cowen, of Sa- 
ratoga, CoLviNand Van Buren, of Albany, and 
others participated. Finally, 

On motion of Mr. Colvin, of Albany, the 
amendments were all laid on the table, and the 
following adopted as a substitute for the second 

resolution : 

Resolved, That the Chair appoint a Committee of one 
from each Congies-ional District to lepoit to this Con- 
vention thirty-six Delegat -8 to the National <'onvention, 
«Bd also an alternate to each Delegate. 



Mr. Wales moved to amend by striking out 
the words "by the Chair." Lost. 

The resolution was then adopted. 

Adjourned to Qi P. M. 

EVEJVIA'-G SESSIOJy. 

The Convenficn met at the Methodist Church, 
in order to accommodate the large audience in at- 
tendance on its delib.irations. 

The Chair announced the following as the 
Committee to report names of delegates to the 
I National Convention, viz: 

]st Con. Dist. D. H. Tompkins. 



2d " " Philip S. Crooke. 

3d " " f S. R. Harris. 

4th " " J Wilson Small. 

^ 5th " " 1 John E. Develin. 

(3th " " \^i. S. Vosburgh. 

7th " " Matthew D. Bogert. 

8th " " Abram Bockee. 

9th *' '* Lewis Cuddeback. 

10th " " James Oliver. 

11th '* " Lewis CrandeU. 

12th " " Geo. M. Selden. 

13tlv " " J. Keyes Paige. 

14th " " John McLean. 

15th '• " Rufus Heaton. 

16th " " P. H. Cowen. 

17th " " John Nellis. 

ISth " " Seymour Green. 

19th " " A. Danforth. 

20lh " " B. B. Hyde. 

21st '♦ " S. S. Burnside. 

22d " " Thos. Farrington. 

23d " " Beman Brockway. 

24th " " C. H. Kingsley. 

25th " " Geo. Rathbun. 

26th '♦ " G. Bennett. 

271 h " " S. G. Hadley. 

28th " " S. B. Jewett. 

29th " " H. Hitchcock. 

30th " " Otto F. Marshall. 

3]st " '' T. B. Campbell. 

32d " " D. Ewell. 

33d " " James R. Doolittle. 

34th " " Peter A. Saxe. 

Mr. Van Buren, from the Committee on that 
subject, reported for the consideration of the Con- 
vention, the following Address, which having 
been read by him was unanimously adopted: 

To the Democratic Uepubllcan Klcctors of 
the State of Nkw YorU : 

Fellow Citizens: — This Convention compo- 
sed of delegates chosen from the several Assem- 
bly districts of the State, called together in pur- 
suance of the uniform usage of the democratic 
party, having discharged the duty assigned to 
them by you, deem it appropriate to accompany a 
report of their proceedings with a simple and 
candid exposition of their views in regard to some 
of the great questions which now agitate the 
country, and of the condition and prospects of 
the republican party of the State and nation. 



ThisConvention was called by a joint caucus of I Whilst the electors were chosen by districts,, 
the democratic members of the Senate and As- 1 they were nominated by district conventions, biio 
sembly, for the purpose of determining how dele- j ever since they have been chosen by the State at 
gates should be selected to represent the Democ- large, they have uniformly been nominated by a 
racy of this State in the next National Conven- ; State convention, and by the same State conven- 
tion to nominate candidates to be supported by tion which nominated the democratic candidates 
the democracy of the Union for the offices of Pre- for Governor and Lieutenant Governor, to be 
sident and Vice President ; and power was given I supported at the same election. The delegates to 
to this Convention, in case it determined that I the national nominating convention, however, 
such delegates should be chosen by a State Con- 1 have always been selected by a State convention, 
vention to choose such delegates. The authori- ' called by the democratic members of the Legis- 
ty under %vhich we are acting is, then, one which lature for the single and express purpose (with 
you will readily recognise as your legitimate and ! two exceptions, to which we shall allude) of 
time-honored agency. choosing such delegates. 

No regular democratic delegated State conven- r Prior to 1S32, the democratic candidates for 
tion ever assembled in this State under any other | the office of President and Vice-President were 
authority. Prior to the year 1820, democratic ; selected by a congressional caucus. The first 
nominations for the State at large were made by ' national convention for the purpose assembled in 
Legislative caucuses; in these the counties iri 1S3'2. It nominated Andrew Jackson for Presi- 
which the democrats were in a minority, were dent and Martin Van Buren for Vice President, 
unrepresented, and improper influences were of- It consisted of delegates chosen by .the democracy 
ten brought to bear to control selections made by of each State, in conformity to its own usages, who 
those who thus mingled legislative schemes with ' gave in the convention a vote equal in number to 
party nominations, and whose long absence from the electoral vote of each State. Some States — 
their constituents had exposed them to the dan- Virginia, for instance— sent one hundred or more 
ger of forgetting or misrepresenting their wishes. ; delegates to give twenty-four votes — the like was 
To obviate these difficulties, and at the same time ' true of others. New York, however, sent a nuro- 
to secure the co-operation of democratic mem- i ber of delegates corresponding with the number 
bers of the legislature, who were chosen by their i of her electoral votes. These delegates were se- 
friends as their representatives, by reason of their ; lected by a State convention assembled at Albany, 
integrity and ability, and who acted under the [ and called by the democratic members of the Se- 
responsibility of an official position thus acquired, i nateand Assembly. The mode of selecting these 
it was deemed wise, with the general concur- 1 delegates then established, has been pnrsue.d un- 
rence of tl e parly, that State nominations sub- ' interruptedly till now. Martin Van Buren was 
sequent to the year alluded to, should be made | thus nominated for President in 1836, and again 
by State conventions, composed of delegates I in 1S40, and James K. Polk in 1841. So firmly 
from every county in the State: but that such ; was this mode of calling State conventions estab- 
conventions should be called by the democratic . lished as early as 1S32, that the Albany Arf^us, 
members of the legislature. In pursuance of this ! a newspaper of position and influence at that 
determination, nominations were first made in ! time in the republican party, rn alluding to the 
1S26, by a State convention convened in this adjourned caucus of the republican members of 
manner with the universal assent of the party,! the legislature, held on the I9th April, 1S32, by 
and the usage then established has been adhered 1 which a State convention at Herkimer had been 
to unvaryingly to the present day. You will ! called, and the democratic address and resolutions 
readily remember that every State officer, and ; adopted, said : 

everv Presidential elector whom vom have ever; _,, . j .• r c. . <- 

. J . ,crv^ . .1- 'i • <»i>-v. y.. •> The custtmary recommendai.ion of a State Convention 

supported since 152t), e.xcept the electors chosen • f^r tlie nominatiun ot the republican candidates for Gov. 
by districts in 182S, was put in nomination in , ernor and Lieut. Governor, and electors of President and 
this mode The electors of President and Vice- \ vice President, is in accordance with aw EJrABLisHKn and 

P~_;j„n» Jv. fKlo ct.>fo .,..;„- f„ »i,„ «i„„f; ^r i saldtaet LSACK.ar.d will receive the uiiivcisa andcordial 
resident in this State, prior to the election of : ^^.^^^.^.^ „,^,1 the sincere fnenJs of the National and 
1324, were chosen by the legislature. They were , siate Administrations. As the deliberations of the Herki- 
subsequentlv chosen by the peoiile, in cangres- mer Conver.tion, from the varioys candidates lor high and 
aional districts ; a single election, however, (that ' responsible stations which it will be rtqaired to present 

r loooi „„,.,„J f„ ^ I, ..:... k, ... „„»■ u. »u., : I'or the suffragf-.s of the electors, will be regarded nith 

of 1828J served to show how entirely the .power , g^^^.,^tg,^3,_s,g 3„j.a„,^p„ to forestall the proceedings. 

of New York in a Presidential contest might be l or by partial moiements to in/eiruft the regular action aflhf 
prostrated by this mode of choosing Presidential ! rtjiui/icnn usages, u-ill assundly defeat IhemseU-ts, and 

electors. Under it Andrew Jackson obtained', '^"^S o^'""'^r<'» their authors" 

twenty electoral votes, and John Quincy Adams ! We have stated that conventions have been here- 
sixteen — the effective power of the state Ihusjfofore called for the express j-urpose, with two 
amounting to four votes, and only equalling that i exceptions, of choosing delegates to the national 
of Rhode Island. 'convention. The exceptions to which we al- 

In 1829, the system was therefore abandoned ' lude, are the present convention and that of the 
and the system of choosing Presidential electors Uear 1S43. The nomination for the Presidency, 
by general ticket, adopted almost unanimously j in the year lS44,ercited intense interest. It was 
by the legislature. It is honorable to the citizens : known that the State of New- York presented a 
of this State, of both political parties, that they | citizen of her own as a candidate, and the con- 
united in this measure, and suffered no hope of j trolling influence of her delegation in a national 
petty or temporary advantage to stand in the way i convention was dreaded by the friends of the 
of their noble determination to preserve unbro- j other candidates. A vigorous effort was made U» 
ken the commanding influence of New York. — 'persuade the democracy of New York to depart 



fim their settled usage, and to select their dele- 
tes to a national convention by allowing each 
congressional district to send one repvesentative. 
To take the sense ot the democratic parry in re- 
gard to this question, the republican members of 
the legislature, in April, 1S43, called a State con- 
vention to assemble in September, 1S43, with 
power to choose delegates to a national conven- 
tion, or to determine the manner in which they 
should be chosen. It was wise and magnanimous 
thus to refer this question to the democracy of the 
State, and to 'illow abundant time between the 
call of the convention and its assembling to dis- 
cuss it. The convention assembled, and declared 
by a vote of 103 to 19 in favor of the State system. 
In October, 1S46, a State convention assembled 
under the call of the democratic members of the 
legislature, and nominated Silas Wright for Gover- 
nor, Addison Gardiner for Lieutenant Governor. 
and other officers; they also appointed a State 
central committee to serve for two years, and un- 
til another should be chosen. In the spring of 
1847, a State convention was called and held in 
like manner, for the nomination of judical otfi- 
cers; and another in October, 1S47, to nominate , 
candidates for the various State otfices to be fill- 
ed at the ensuing November election. These 
were a Lieutenant Governor, Comptroller, Se- 
cretary of State, Attorney General, Treasurer, 
State Engineer and Surveyor, three State Prison 
Inspectors, and three Canal Commissioners. A 
warm and active canvass took place fur seats in 
this last convention. But so far as we have been 
able to learn, no complaint was then or ever made 
of the conduct of the State central committee, ap- 
pointed in lS4ti, for the ensuing two years, nor 
was a suggestion made that the conventionshoujd 
in any way interfere with/ the question of the 
Presidency of the United States. The public 
e.xpectation, so far as we know it, awaited at the 
hands of the convention an avowal of democratic 
principles, and a nomination of candidates who 
should be the honest choice of the democratic 
paitj for the vaiinus State offices we have named 
How fdr their wishes in these respects were met 
we do not now stop to enquire; but of their action , 
upon subjects not confided to them it becomes our 
impera'ive duty to speak. Without authority, 
and without complaint, they removed the State 
central committee, whose term was unexpired, 
and appointed another in its stead. To the e-n- 
tire surprise of those whom thiey claimed to re ; 
present, they clothed the usurping State commit- 
tee vvith authority to call State conventions; an 
authority which, as we have alreadv seen, had 
been vested in the democratic members of the 
Legislature for more than twenty years, and ever | 
since the existence of State conventions, and 
never in a comniiltee; and they assumed to re- 
commend th^ different congressional districts to 
send delegates to a national convention, and to 
deprive the members of the legislature of the 
power to call a State convention for this purpose, 
without, so far as we know, the slightest intima- 
tion from their constituents that a change in this 
respect was desired or expected, and in defiance 
of the well-considered, and mature, and almost 
unanimous decision of a recent State convention 
on this very point, called and assembled for the j 
express purpose of determining it. Conduct so 



unwarrantable produced its natural fruits. The 
republicans of the State were aroused by usurpa- 
tions so glaring, and violations of their wishes so 
unqualified. A mass convention of democrats 
assembled jat Herkimer on the Soth October, 
1S47, and after declaring the views of those who 
composed it in regard to great questions of prin- 
ciple, it repudiated the action of the Syracuse 
convention, declared its proceedines not binding 
on the democratic party, and called a State con- 
vention to assemble at Herkimer, on the 22d 
February, 154S, to choose thirty-six delegates to 
represent the democracy of the State in the Na- 
tional nominating convention. We do not stop 
to discuss the propriety of the action of the Her- 
kimer convention ; but it is just to those who 
participated in it, to state that action correctly. 
It was a mass assemblage of Democrats, not a 
delegated convention. It avowed principles dear 
to the Democratic party — it nominated no ticket 
for the support of electors — it imposed no dis- 
qualifying tests, and the only step which it took, 
touching party organization was the call for a 
Sta'e Convention to which we have adverted. — 
The election followed, and the Democratic par- 
ty were overwhelmed in a defeat far more disas- 
trous than they had ever before met. Such was 
the state of things when the Legislature assem- 
bled in November, 1S47. On the ISth of that 
month a caucus of the Democratic members was 
convened under the call of the joint caucus com- 
mittee. Thirteen Senators and thirty-nine mem- 
bers of Assembly, comprising nearly the entire 
body of Democratic members of both houses an- 
swered to their names. The difficulties in the 
Democratic party were freely and kindlv can- 
vassed at this caucus On the one hand, it was 
claimed that the Herkimer call for the State Con- 
vention was proper and sufficient. On the other, 
that the change in the mode of choosing dele- 
gates p'-oposed at Syracuse would be adopted* by 
the Congressional districts, and that no action 
ousht to be taken by the caucus The discreet 
and prudent Democrats, however, who were 
members of the Legislature, chose to take a course 
which it was supposed would conciliate all in- 
terejsts and disarm all opposition. They follow- 
ed the precedent of 1S43, and by an almost unan- 
imous vote, called the present convention. In- 
stead of calling a convention absolutely to choose 
delegates as was done at Herkimer, or determin- 
ing absolutely that they should be chosen bv 
Congressional districts as was done at Syracuse, 
they called this convention to choose delegates to 
the national convention, or to determine how 
they should be chosen. They wisely judged that 
if the Syracuse Convention had faithfully re- 
flected the popular will, a majority of delegates 
to this convention would determine in favor of 
the District System ; if, oi\ the other hand, a ma- 
jority of the Democrats in the State desired to 
adhere to the former practice, a majority of this 
convention would so decide, and that in either 
event, every section and interest in the Demo- 
cratic party that honestly intended to be govern- 
ed by the cardinal principle of submission to 
the will of a majority, fairly and constitutionally 
expressed, having once an opportunity to be 
heard, would quietly acquiesce in the proposed 
arbitrament. A motion^ to substitute the time 



and place named in the Herkimer call was re- 
jected by the caucus. The convention was call- 
ed at an early day, so that abundant time miglit 
remain before the assembling; of the national 
convention to choose delesjates to it by districts, 
if the convention should decide in favor of that 
mode. An adjourned caucus, equally full, as- 
sembled under llie call of the committee as pub- 
lished in the Argus on the 13th of December fol- 
lowing; an effort was made at this caucus to re- 
scind the call previously made for this conven- 
tion, which failed by an almost unanimous vote, 
and the regular address and resolutions reported 
by the committee appointed for that purpose at 



mode of appointing the delegates from each sti^||^ 
to a national nominating convention, and the 
number that each state should be entitled to, and 
we now announce it as the conclusion to which 
we have arrived, with almost general unanimity, 
that we believe it most conformable to the prin- 
ciples of the Constitution, and most consistent with 
the soundest doctrines of the Democratic parly, 
that each State should be entitled to send so many 
delegates to the Convention as it has electoral 
votes — that each State ought to appoint its dele- 
gates in such way and manner as it shall think 
proper, and that for other States as well as the 
State of N. Y., (ji3= we think the proper way and 



the previous caucus, were adopted after a warm : manner is to appoint them, not by districts, but 
discussion, by a vote of twenty-nine to seventeen, j by general ticket, and by a State Convention as- 
The address and resolutions were afterwards sign- | sembled as we are, or in such manner as the de- 
ed by a majority of the Democratic members of mocracy may choose to organize their State Con- 
the Senate and Assembly and published. vention. And we offer to our constituents and 

The present legislature assembled at Albany the country, these as some of the main consider- 
on the first Mondey of January last and as no ac- i ations for the conclusion we have announced : — 
tion has been taken by the democratic members i The democratic party owes its existence and sue- 
in regard to this subject, it is fair to infer that i cess to that jealeus and just fear of the consoli- 
they approved of the conduct of their prede- j dating tendencies of federalism which in the ad- 
cessors. The call of this convention was | ministration of the elder Adams roused the re- 
acquiesced in by those who advocated the Herki- i publicans of that pure period, and has ever since 
mer convention of the 2"2d, and that convention , mnintained the perpetual controversy of parties 
has been formally and publicly abandoned. We i as to the consolidating or confederating character 
have, therefore, every reason to believe, and do : of the government. To sustain its confederate 
believe, know and declare, that this convention, i character, to preserve the rights of the States, 
called in pursuance of established usage, with a i and to fortify State action and influence in all its 
view to conciliation and consultation, truly rep- | constitutional lunction.'*, has been the unchanged 
resents no section, clique, or personal interest, i creed and unvaried practice of the democratic 
but the mass of prudent, impartial, intelligent party. We beiieve that it would violate that creed 
and disinterested democrats of New York. We and change that practice, to choose delegates by 
have been thus particular in recalling to your at- districts, while the electors are chosen by general 
tention the usages of the democratic parly, and ticket. We think that delegates to nominate 
thus minute in explaining the authority under i ought to be appointed by ihe same' rule and in the 
which we act, because we can conceive of no | same way as are appointed the electors to elect a 
audacity more shameless, or counterfeiting more President. The President is now chosen by gen- 
ba^e, than that of those who would, without war- i eral ticket in each State and each elector votes 
rant, and self constituted, assume to speak to or for the whole electoral ticket, and the State gives 
for you, as your representatives. i her entire vole in the electoral college for one 

In proceeding to the discharge of the trust : man. In this State we tried the choice of elec- 
confided to us, of determining how the delegates tors by districts, but alter the first experiment, 
to represent you in a national convention ousilit ; and it was seen that the State lost all or much ot 
to be selected, we have referred in the fir.st in- ; its influence, it was abandoned by general consent, 
stance, to the previous usages of the party. — and the general ticket system adopted in its stead. 
These usages, in subordination to principles, coii- ! 1 '^^ nominating convention is organized to ena- 
stitute the express law of the party, and an ad- I ble the people to exercise their constitutional 
herence to them has well been termed the sheet- ' power in the choice of president, and all princi- 
anchor of its safety. They have carried the de- j pie and consistency seem to indicate that he 
mocracy through the fiercest conflicts, often in should be nominated as he is elected — each State 
victory, and always with honor. We have there- [ voting by itself and for itself, and with an undi- 
fore, supposed that you would not, without good ; vided vote in both instances. Again, it is impor- 
cause, depart from them. We find then, that , tant to the democracy of the Union, that the de- 
your invariable usage has been to select delegates j mocracy of each State should be kept in the as- 
to a national convention by a State Convention. 1 cendant, and in union and harmony in itself, and 
This has been done from the first national con- : it is perhaps undeniable that no party can be 
vention, in 1S32, to the last in 1844 ; and the long permanent and paramount in the Union, un- 
State convention called in lS-13, for the purpose ; less it has the support of some or all of»the lar- 
of settling the question, under the full and ma- ! ger States. The presidential (piestion is the great 
ture deliberation of which we have spoken, em- I exciting topic of the country, and must be so con- 
bodying the first ability to be found in your ranks, i tinually. The smaller states, by size, numbers, 
and the most devoted zeal, and presided over by i identity of interest, and frequency of intercourse, 
the Hon. Wm. L. Marcy, came, by a vote of 103 will generally be united in the choice or prefer- 
to 19, to the conclusions embodied in the follow- i ence of candidates, and would usually choose the 
ing resolution : same deleijates by districts as by general ticket 

♦' Resolved, That this convention havedulv de- , ^^^ '^ •'* n°f so with the larger States, which the 
liberated on the question of the proper and" best ' district system would thro.v into collisions and 



dissentions, that would unsettle and distract any 
party within them. We do not believe that the 
democratic parfy could long maintain itself in any 
of the lar£;er States under the district system, if 
the federal party in that state adopted the genar- 
al ticket system. We are aware that a remarka- 
ble unanimity pervades the democracy of this 
State at this time in ri-ference to the choice of 
Mr. Van Buren as our candidate; and we believe, 
that if the choice was to be made by districts, 
that not one district in the state would send a del- 
egate for any other man. But this may never oc- 
cur again ; and that unanimity renders this the 
more suitable occasion to settle the question in 
the State. Still more objectionable does the dis- 
trict system appear to us, from the probability 
that many of the States never can be induced to 
adopt it, and they will have, from that cause, an 
undue advantage over the others in every conven- 
tion. Nor do we see why majorities taken by the 
states are not as well taken as by districts. It is 
ad often the correct result, and the only mode 
known in the election of President by the people 
of the states. 'That not the smallest objection to 
the district system would arise from the imprac- 
ticability of a national convention's intelligently, 
or satisfactorily, or seasonably settling the ques- 
tions of contested and double delegations which 
that system would produce and encourage. And 
such are some of our reasons for preferring to 
adhere to the general and united ticket system 
for each State, as most convenient, fair, equitable, 
harmonious, constitutional and Democratic." 

4 

It gives us great pleasure to concur in the con- 
clusions to which the able and patriotic body that 
adopted the foregoing resolution arrived. And 
instead of attempting to add to the reasons so 
forcibly urged for rejecting the Congressional 
District System of choosing delegates, we shall 
merely advert to some of the arguments urged in 
favor of adopting that system now. One of the 
arguments is, that the District System has been 
adopted by other States. This suggestion we be- 
lieve to be unwarranted by facts. Delegates have 
already been selected by States in Ohio, Tenne.';- 
see, Indiana, Georgia, Mississippi, Arkansas and 
Michigan, and State conventions lo choose dele- 
gates have been called in Virginia on the 2Sth of 
this iLonth, in Pennsylvania on the 4th of next 
month, and also in Alabama! It will thus be 
seen that 72, or, including Virginia, Pennsylva- 
nia, and Alabama, and excluding New-York, 124 
delegates out of 250, may already be deemed cho- 
sen by State Conventions. Massachusetts, Maine, 
and Vermont choose a number equal to the dele- 
gation in Congress, by Congressional districts; 
but delegates for the State at large, by State con- 
vention. New-Hampshire chooses one delegate 
by a State Convention and the remainder by 
Councillor Districts — adding the seven delegates 
thus chosen by State Conventions, it will be seen 
that a majority of the delegates to the next nation- 
al convention, excluding New York, have already 
in effect been chosen by State Conventions. It is 
also well known that a majority of the residue 
have always heretofore been, and doubtless will 
again be chosen by districts. The great States of 
Pennsylvania, Ohio and Virginia choose their en- 
' tire delegations by State Conventions, nnd so far 
from finding in the action of other States a reason 



for departing from previous usages, we see in it ad- 
ditional reason for adhering toour ancientcustom. 
Another argument of the advocates ot the district 
system is that the new Constitution of this State 
aims to decentralize the power of the State, and 
that the adoption of the district system would aid 
this object. In our judgment the decentralization 
effected by the new Con.'.titution removes the only 
plausible objection that was ever urged against 
the State system. There is no central govern- 
mental power now to influence the action of a- 
St«te Convention — and at this moment the demo- 
cracy are particularly exempt from the remotest 
influences of this sort. The State officers resi- 
ding at the seat of goverument are whigs, and 
the democrats best known, and most conspicuous 
in the democratic ranks, who have formerly held 
office are by death, retirement, change of residence, 
or othe causes, almost withoutexception, removed 
even from Albany. Federal patronage only is 
felt at that point. Whatever danger, therefore, 
from this cause, may threaten the whig and 
conservative conventions at Albany, a moment's 
reflection must satisfy you that to the Democracy 
it is purely imaginary. A convention like this, 
chosen by Assembly Districts, and assembled at 
a distance from the seat of government, can and 
will select your representatives precisely as di- 
rectly from the people and as free from central 
influence, as could possibly be done by a Congres- 
sional District Convention. Since the adoption 
of the new Constitution the patronage of the State 
Government, if not destroyed, has ceased to be 
formidable, and the evil of the patronage of the 
General Government has not only become more 
prominent by the contrast, but has grown to be 
a Central Power, dangerous to the liberties of 
the People, and calling loudly for retrenchnifent 
and reform. 

The only additional suggestion in favor of the 
district system, is one that always addresses it- 
self with peculiar force to fair-minded democrats, 
to wit: that as a portion of those with whom we 
have formerly acted, prefer the district s}stem, it 
might promote harmony if the majority would yield 
their rights and preferences, and unite with them . 
But on such union the seceders have already clo- 
sed the door by selecting delegates in several of 
the Congressional Districts before the assembling 
of this Convention. In the 7th, 13th and 32d Con- 
gressional Districts they chose delegates on the 
1.3th of this month. In the 34th on the 12th — 
In the 3d, 4th and 0th districts, they choose on 
the 17th instant, and in others they will have 
chosen before the delegates to this Convention 
can reach their homes or participate in the 
selection. This communion of action, there- 
fore, however desirable, has been designedly 
rendered impo.«sible by those who have refu- 
sed to submit to the arbitrament of their former 
associates and themselves. 

We have thus far treated this question as it was 
left by the conciliatory call under which we were 
convened. But a reference to the proceedings of the 
democratic electors by whom we werechosen,will 
show that a vast majority of the conventions 
which delegated us to carry out their wishes, have 
expressed their preferences, if not instructed 
their delegates, in favor of the State system ; and 
believing as we do, that representative fidelity is 



the life of our political system, and that the hig;h- 
est obligations of duty and honor require the de- 
legate to obey the expressed wishes of his con- 
stituents, we have had no hesitation in proceed- 
ing to the choice of 36 delegates to represent you 
in the National Convention at Baltimore. The 
individuals selected are believed to be, one and 
all, eminently trust-worthy; we have not felt at li- 
berty to hamper them with instructions, but en- 
tertain the hope that they will carefully ascertain 
and faithfully carry out your wishes in their con- 
duct. In so doing, they will consult the honor 
of the State, and the true and permanent interests 
of the republican party of the State and of the 
Union, and thws best promote the prosperity and 
happiness of the American people. 

We might here pause : but feeling that we are 
authorised, under the circumstances, to speak in 
your behalf, and that a declaration of your views 
and wishes may not be without service to you and 
our brethren of the Union, we proceed as briefly 
as possible, to describe, what we believe to be 
your [)rinciple3 of action — the condition of the 
republican party — and the extent and causes of 
the difficulties that now surround it. New York 
lias no candidate of her own for the Presidency 
to present to the Democratic National Conven- 
tion. In the number of her democratic citizens 
who would do honor to the station, we have not 
found one who desires to be supported for that 
high office. Were it otherwise, we are well as- 
sured, that not one of them could be designated, 
that possesses or deserves the confidence of his 
party, who would permit his success to be accom- 
plished by a suppression, change or qualification 
of his own opinions qr those of his friends, in re- 
gard to public measures, or by indirections of any 
character. 

With these remarks, we, under the responsibil- 
ities of the trusts reposed in us, and with ample 
opportunity of information upon the subject, in 
a spirit of entire candor, declare the following to 
be a just and faithful exposition of the feelings 
and opinions of the democracy of New York, 
upon the subjects which it embraces. 

First. Their conviction of the justness of the 
war, aud their determination to sustain the go- 
vernment in an energetic prosecution of if, until 
a just and honorable peace, the only legitimate 
object of war, can be obtained, have been suf- 
ficiently avowed ; and what is of more impor- 
tance, have been confirmed by their acts at all 
times imd upon all occasions. Having no sinis- 
ter or selfish objects to be accomplished by it, 
they will not enter into a competition with others 
in regard to the vehemence of their asseverations 
upon the subject of the war. Better justice 
could not be done to the feelings and dispositions 
of the democratic masses of this State, than by 
referring our own government, as well as all con- 
cerned, to the late war meeting of the lion-heart- 
ed democracy of the city of New York. The 
spirit and character of that assemblage are well 
known to the United States Senators, by whom it 
was addressed. Fervent and impressive, indeed, 
must have been those proofs of high resolve and 
ardent patriotism, in view of which the veteran 
soldier and Senator, Houston, could not refrain 
from describing it as "the most numerous, the 
most cheering, and most emboldening meeting 



which he had ever seen, ever heard of or ever 
speculated upon seeing." For the sincerity of 
ninety-nine hundredths of that vast assemblage, 
this convention can safely vouch, for they are 
emphatically our brethren in feeling and in prin- 
ciple. Could the true-hearted democracy of the 
Empire State have been brought together under 
like circumstances, they would have presented 
the same appearance, displayed the same feel- 
ings, and have pronounced the same noble reso- 
lution to defend the rights and honor of the coun- 
try, at all hazards, and at any sacrifice. Nor 
would such an exhibition have been more than a 
renewal of the patriotic feelings and firm resolves 
with which New York, a frontier State, and com- 
pelled for a season to bear the brunt of the con- 
test, met the foe in the war of 1812 — feelings 
which she will never fail to exhibit on all occa- 
sion, which are of sufficient magnitude to rouse 
the potent, though quiet, energies of her demo- 
cracy. 

Secondly. Thus advising the government to an 
energetic prosecution of the war, until just and 
honorable terms of peace can be" obtained, the 
democracy of New York deem it due, as well to 
the administration as to themselves, to state more 
distinctly than is usual, what those terms ought, 
in their judgment, to be. To withdraw our 
troops before indemnity is either made or secur- 
ed for our just claims against Mexico, and rea- 
sonable safe-guards established against future ag- 
gression, would be unwise and dishonorable to 
our country. For the sake of harmony among 
ourselves, and fhe better to protect the charac- 
ter of our government against the accustomed re- 
proaches of those who envy, whilst they dread, 
the force and spread of our institutions, we 
would prefer to have such indemnity made in 
some other form than by the cession to the United 
States of Mexican territory. But we owe it to 
candor to saj , that in the present condition 
of Mexico it is not possible to expect that 
this desire can be realized. Viewing the mat- 
ter in this light, and believing that there are 
portions of her territory which she can spare 
without materially weakening her condition, and 
which it would, in commercial and other points 
of view, be important that the United States 
should own, we approve of the efforts of our go- 
vernment to obtain satisfaction for our just claims 
through that channel, trusting that if such ces- 
sions are obtained, they will be acquired upon 
terms consistent with the character for justice 
and humanity which we have sustained since 
our admission into the family of nations. We 
are opposed to the acquisition by the United 
States of any considerable extent of territory for 
any purpose other than its ultimate admission in- 
to the Union as States, upon an equal footing 
with the present members of the confederacy, re- 
garding the colonial system, as we do, to be in- 
consistent with the genius of our government and 
dangerous, it adopted, to the perpetuity of our 
tree institutions. Whatever effects upon the 
population of Mexico, may in the pi'ogress of 
time, be produced by the increased emigration 
from the United States, to which the present war 
will inevitably lead, we are at this time wholly 
unwilling to commit the destinies of this great 
and flourishing republic to an union with a popu- 



lation like that of which six out of eight millions 
of the present inhabitants of Mexico are compos- 
ed. Hi^vin* had no proof of the insincerity of the 
opinions advanced by the President in his annual 
message, or any sufficient reason to believe that 
he has changed his views in regard to it, we 
hold the alarm which has been sounded in respect 
to a contemplated denationalization of Mexico by 
our Government to be without foundation. 

Thirdly. The democracy of New York do 
now, and hare always heretofore, believed in the 
wisdom, humanity and constitutionality of the 
policy of endeavoring to limit the evils of slave- 
ry, by protecting the unsettled territories of the 
United States, against its introduction, whilst 
they are under a territorial government. So be- 
lieving, they will when any such governments. 
are established by Congress, either for the terri- 
tories we now possess, or for such as we may ac- 
quire from Mexico, insist as far as we have the 
right and the means to do so, that this ancient, 
successful, and time-honored policy shall be ap- 
plied to them. And why should we not do so.' — 
What is it that has caused the dissatisfaction with 
and denunciation which has been so unsparing- 
ly poured out upon the democracy of New- York, 
for steadily pursuing the path which not only 
they, but, until very recently, the great and good 
of all parties, have uninterruptedly, and happily 
trod .'' Apprehensive of the heart burnings a id 
discord which might, in the progress of time arise 
from the then great and most probably permanent' 
disjiarity ot the condition, in respect to slavery, 
of the States which had by their joint efforts es- 
tablished our national independence, the patriots 
of the revolution took early measures to guard, as 
far as they could, the union of the States against 
the evils with which they foresaw it would be 
threatened from this source. 

Southern men, whose names are synonymous 
with all the virtues which can adorn the human 
character, such as Washington, Jefferson, Madi- 
son, and a host of other patriots, lent their aid 
and the influence of their great names to 
the promotion of this object. When the federal 
constitution was framed and adopted, Mr. Jeffer- 
son was not in the United States — but before he 
left, them, he introduced into Congress the prin- 
ciple which was embodied in the ordinance of 
nS7, for the government of the Northwestern 
territory, by which that body, with the declared 
purpose of "''extending the fundamental princi- 
ples of civil and religions liberty which form 
the basis on which these republics, their laws 
and constitutions are erected;" provided that 
there should be " neither slavery nor involuntary 
servitude in said territory, otherwise than in the 
punishment of crime, whereof the party shall 
have been first duly convicted," Tfiis ordinance,be 
it remembered, embraced in its provisions all the 
territory which the United States then held in 
undisputed possession and in the principal part, if 
not the whole of it, slavery was then permitted 
by law. This great charter of freedom passed in 
Congress by the unanimous vote of all the States. 
The representatives of every Southern State cor- 
dially united, and among ihe great and good men 
then prominent in the public service, therfe was 
not, that we know of, either from the North or 
the South, the East or the West, but a single dis- 1 



sentient. A slave State made the principle ces- 
sion of the territory upon which the ordinance 
was to operate, and Southern statesmen deemed 
it wise to take the lead in all measures for the 
melioration and limitation of slavery. 

Congress having thus, as they hoped, closed 
forever the door to the extension of slavery be- 
yond the limits of the original States, all that re- 
mained to be done was to prevent its increase 
by foreign importation. The ground work for 
the accomplishment of this great object was laid 
by another body of still higher authority. The 
convention to frame the present federal constitu- 
tion was in session when the Jeffersonian ordi- 
nance was passed ; and it completed the work in 
which Congress had made so much progress, by 
two important provisions, viz : one conferring 
auth'ority on Congress to prohibit the introduction 
of slaves into the United States from abroad, and 
the other, in full view of what it had just been 
doing on the subject of slavery, authorizing it to 
make all needful rules and regulations respecting 
the territory, or other property, belonging to fho 
United States. And among the first acts of the 
first Congress under the new constitution, com- 
posed, in part, of the persons who had framed it, 
was an act recognizing the validity of the ordi- 
nance of 17S7. This uniform and harmonious 
system of action upon the subject of slavery, on 
the part of the southern statesmen of those days, 
was not only dictated by the purest and most de- 
voted principles of philanthropy and patriotism, 
but was well calculated to subserve a policy 
which they did not attempt to conceal or diguise. 
They regarded the existence of slavery in the 
United States as a misfortune of the first magni- 
tude in any aspect in which it couid be viewed ; a 
misfortune which could not fail to prove disas- 
trous to the welfare of the whole country; but 
destined to bear with the greatest severity upon 
the States of the South, where it prevailed to the 
greatest extent, and was likely to be permanent. 
They justly claimed that neither its introduction 
nor presentexistence was attributable to them as a 
fault — that the blame in this respect rested upon 
the mother country; and so strongly was the 
leading mind of the South in civil affairs im- 
pressed upon this point, that the promotion of 
the slave trade with the colonies, was one of the 
charges against Great Britain preferred in the 
original draft of the declaration of independence. 
They contended that, asslavery could not now be 
removed by any known means, it must be tolerated 
until, in the providence of God, some mode of 
deliverance was presented, which could not then 
be devised. 

They foresaw, as we have already said, that its 
existence, when confined to one section of the 
country, as was likely to be soon the case, might 
give rise to heartburnings and contention. They \ 
met this danger promptly, seasonably, and justly, 
by showing their willingness to adopt any prac- 
ticable measure to prevent the increase of an evil, 
the removal cf Arhich was beyond their present 
power. It mattered not to minds and hearts like 
theirs, that the territory in respect to which they 
legislated, was at the time part of slave States, 
and subject to the introduction of slavery. 

Having thus shown their disposition to do all 
they could upon the subject, and having effected 



m 



so much, they felt tnat they could rely upon the 
justice, the patriotism, ani the fraternal feelings 
of their sisters of the confederacy, who were, or 
were soon to become, free States, not only for a 
total abstinence from interference with the sub- 
ject in States where slavery existed, but for active 
aid in the mitigation of its injurious effects. The 
result has shown that thev judged correctly. — 
Every attempt by the misguided men of the North 
to disturb the Slave States upon this delicate sub- 
ject, though vexatious and irritating, has proved 
substantially harmless. On the other hand, no 
opinion has become more firmly rooted in the 
minds and hearts of the Northern people, than 
that which inculcates the ahsolu'e inviolability 
of the subject of slavery in the States against ex- 
ternal interference. Of the extent to whiih the 
democracy of New York and their public func- 
tionaries have contributed to the maintenance and 
spread of this sound constitutional doctrine, we 
need not speak — nor, if our own people are 
satisfied, as we think they ought to be, that more 
has not been done in this respect than was re- 
quired by the constitution, demanded by the 
comity of States, or due to the fraternal feel- 
ings'which have so long existed between us and 
our Southern brethren, will we either relax in 
our future efforts, or regret the past, in whatever 
light our conduct may now be viewed by (hose 
whom we wished to befriend. The policy thus 
established by universal consent at the very com- 
mencement of the government, and which vi-e de- 
sire to uphold, was not only effectual in maintain- 
ing harmony between the free and slave States, but 
it has in other respects been productive of most use- 
ful results. It is, beyond all doubt, to its influence 
and effect alone, that the important and flourishing 
States of Ohio, Indiana, Illinois and Michigan are at 
this moment free States ; that slavery would other- 
wise have been diffused thro' the Northwestern 
territory, and thus have been established in the 
States alluded to, is certain 

Such were the triumphant results of this 
wise policy whilst the counsels and opinions 
of the Washingtons, Jeffersons, and their com- 
patriots prevailed at the south and equally 
salutary would have been its future fruits had 
they not been so widely departed from. It seems 
to be the destiny of this great country that 
there shall not be a single local interest or 
feeling that is not made the subject of political 
and partisan agitation. From the period of the 
great civil revolution of ISOO, when, by the suc- 
cessful efforts of the democracy of this State, 
the politics of the Union were changed, and the 
election of Thomas Jefferson secured, to the pre- 
sent day, the democratic party here have had to 
encounter the vituperation of their opponents in 
regard to their course upon the slave question. 
They have been stigmatized as " hewers of wood 
and drawers of water" to th^i large slaveholders 
of the south, because they were willing to sustain 
not only their political brethren, but the whole 
people of the south, in the full enjoyment of their 
constitutional rights. That our political ranks 
were constantly weakened by a position so liable 
to perversion, but which a sense of duty compel 
led us to occupy, is not to be doubted. Bu" 
the demands that were then made upon us by the 
South w^ere so just and constitutional that the 



idea of abandoning our political allies of the 
Soutii, in this res[)ect, to the assaults of their 
and our adversaries, never occurred to the single- 
hearted democracy of the North. While such 
was the state of things here, it was not possible 
to make the slave subject a matter of political 
agitation at the South. However much it might 
have been desired, the political association which 
had so long existed between the democratic plan- 
feis of the South and the sturdy democracy of the 
North, a party association which had done so 
much for the advancement of the true principles 
of the government! could not, in the then state of 
the slave question, be dissolved. Its future con- 
tinuance has notwithstanding, been brought in 
jeopardy — and how has this ominous and baleful 
change been effected .' We need scarcely say that 
it has been accomplished by an entire revolu- 
tion in the position of the democracy of the 
South in regard to the slave question. 

The reflecting portion of the people every 
where were astonished by the advocacy, on the 
part of men distinguished as well for their great 
talents as for political and social elevation, of a 
new creed upon the subject of slavery; a creed 
widely diflerent from that which was. entertained 
by the founders of the republic, and the fathers 
of our political church at the South. Instead of 
regarding slavery as an evil, to be restricted in 
its spread, as far as«tliat could be constitutionally 
and justly done, we were called upon to regard it 
as a blessing which deserved to be perpetuated. 
Instead of regarding the prevalence oj slavery in 
the progress of the republic as an obstacle to be 
tolerated, because its lemoval could not be safely 
attempted, a claim of favor was set up in its 
behalf, as constituting the surest basis for free 
institutions. A reversal of the old policy was of 
course, demanded by the advocates of this new 
creed. The success at the South of views so re- 
pugnant to the common sense and general feel- 
ing of almost all mankind was but little appre- 
hended. But those, who regarded it thus lightly 
when first broached, had formed but imperfect 
conceptions of the facility with which opinions 
and measures which are claimed ^to be for the ad- 
vancement of local interests, may be promoted 
by connecting them with party politics. Many 
who would without hesitation have attempted to 
arrest it if they were sure that this could be cer- 
tainly done, fell in with the current as the safest 
course. Politicians, who are ever on the watch, 
suffer themselves to be alarmed by their appre- 
hensions that the pioneers of the new faith in the 
section of country where the feeling prevails, 
will, by its means, if it is left to their sole direction, 
supplant, in the public counsels, those wno dis- 
sent or doubt. How far the doctrine to which we 
refer is indebted to this source for its success in 
the South we cannot know, and do not undertake 
to determine. Certain it is, that its pro- 
gress in the slave States has been sufficient to 
give rise to the present demand for the extension 
of slavery to territories where it does not now 
exist. 

It is by no means our intention or desire to ar- 
raign the free citizens of the south for originating 
or for giving in their adhesion to these extraordin- 
ary views upon the subject of slavery. They may 
have been able to satisfy themselves that the ag- 



11 



gressive position upon the subject is better than 
the defensive and that they have been right in 
assumins; it. Claiming in its plenitude the rieht 
of self-judgment for ourselves, we cheerfully 
award it to them; and it is doing great injustice 
to the democracy of New York, to suppose that 
the difference in opinion which has of late arisen 
between their old and long tried political friends 
and themselves, has in the least .degree affected 
our feelings towards them. No such change 
has occurred. We, on the contrary look 
back with pleasure to the many political battles 
which we have fought and won in conjunction 
with them ; to the advance which the true prin- 
ciples of our government have received from the 
exertion of our joint forces. We are sincerely 
desirous to continue the same party co-operation 
with them, so long as this can be done without 
individual or sectional degradation. 

But to demand of the citizens of this great State '■ 
that after we have, by seasonable action, and what 
was at the time, though erroneously, regarded as 
a great sacrifice, succeeded in abolishing slavery 
from its borders, they should at this day, in the 
middle of the 19th century, ia full view of the 
improved opinion of almost all mankind upon the 
subject — of the inestimable and incalculable ad- 
vantage in the increase and ])ro3perity of our State 
in no small degree attributable to this very ex- 
emption, — make themselves parties, either ex- 
pressly or virtually, liy action or inaction, to the 
original institution of slavery by force in territo- 
ries which are now exempt from it, is most un- 
reasonable indeed. 

It is what we are persuaded that no enlighten- 
ed or candid man at the South can possibly ex- 
pect at our nands, however plausible the pre- 
tences are on which the sacrifice is asked, and 
for making which, upon the impulse ot a desire 
ior political promotion, they could not fail to de- 
spise us. 

Fourthly. Although such are the opinions we 
entertain upon ' this important question, and 
which we feel it to be a conscientious duty to 
maintain to the utmost, unless convinced of their 
injustice and unconstitutionality, we have never 
sought to impose them upon others ; still less 
have we made an acquiescence in our views of 
the subject a controlling test in an election, as 
has been unjustly charged upon us. The annals 
of our party proceedings may be safely challeng- 
ed for the proof that any such test has been ad- 
vocated by us. We have neither made such a 
test, nor will we submit to it when made by oth- 
ers; nor can the democratic masses of this State 
be induced to sustain those who do either. 

Have our dissenting friends acted in a spirit 
equally conciliatory and forbearing ? After what 
has been said in respect to interpolations npon 
the democratic creed by the democracy of New 
York, it is due to them, to their determined and 
disinterested devotion to the cause and to truth, 
that this matter should be set right. Not to deal 
in general allegations, always so unsatirjfactory, 
and to enable our statement to be refuted if it be 
incorrect, we will confine ourselves principally 
to the acts of a single State. We take that of the 
highly respectable and patriotic State of Georgia. 
No one, we are confident, supposes that in 
making this selection, we are, in any degree, in- 



fluenced by prejudice or unkind feelings of any de- 
scription. Every one conversant with our political 
history for the last quarter of a century ,knows that 
during that period there has been an almost un- 
broken sympathy of feeling between her de- 
mocratic citizens and those of New York. — 
These feelings are not, on our part, in the 
least diminished. The sacrifices which the 
democracy of New York have incurred in sup- 
por'ing the particular wishes and interests of 
Georgia, have been of no ordinary character. It 
is well known to the men of that day, that by 
their efforts to elevate Georgia's favorite son to 
the Presidency, they drew upon their party the 
most signal overthrow in our state politics it had 
ever sustained, a defeat which it took years of 
patient toil and sacrifice to overcome — that this 
had scarcely been accomplished, and our wonted 
ascendancy in the State re-established, when the 
long pending contest between Georgia and the In- 
dian tribes within her borders, arrived at its cri- 
sis. The extent to which it became connected 
with party politics, and interwoven with the re- 
ligious feelings ot our community, in consequence 
of the imprisonment of the missionaries, is also 
known. But the losses which the democratic 
party of this State sustained by the part they 
took in that agitating controversy, are not so 
well known, or may have been forgotton. Be- 
lieving Georgia to be right, the democracy of this 
State threw themselves fearlessly into the con- 
test, and sustained her side of the question 
through one of the fiercest, and tor a long time, 
most doubtful canvasses they had ever encoun- 
tered. It is not too much to say, that the demo- 
cratic party of this State sustained a permanent 
loss of 20,000 votes by the part they took on that 
question. An occasion is approaching, in which 
the democracy of New York will be called to act 
in concert with their political brethren in other 
States, in the selection and election of candidates 
for the highest offices under the government. — ^ 
They enter upon the performance of these im- 
portant duties under peculiar circumstances. Be- 
lieving themselves to be right, they have long 
since taken their stand in favor of the ex- 
clusion ot slavery from the present and fu- 
ture territories of the United States in which 
it does not now exist. In the justice and consti- 
tutionality of this principle, as has long since 
been known through the length and breadth of 
the land, there is a unanimity of opinion among 
her citizens of all clas-es, sects and parties, 
which has scarcely, if ever, been equalled. Her 
representatives in Congress, thirty-four ia num- 
ber — differing upon almost all other subjects — 
had voted in favor of this principle, with but one 
excei>tion. Her legislators have been neither less 
i prompt nor less united in similar expressions 
! of opinion ; and the only qualification of the ge- 
j neral voice was in the miserable attempts of a 
Ivery small number, who, though they dare not 
"penly avow their hostility to the principle, still 
endeavored to screen iheir refusal to support it, 
by a resort to evasions and equivocations of the 
lowest character. 

It is now known that the Democracy of New 
York have no candidate to present for the Presi- 
dency. But for reasons which need not be 
stated, it was then neither unreasonable nor im- 



12 



probable that she might have one, whose views 
on all public questions were well understood. — 
It was under such circumstances that the democ- 
racy of Georgia, which State has never yet from 
the establishment of the Government to the pre- 
sent day, cast her vote for a northern democrat for 
the Presidency, felt themselves called upon to 
declare, in their State Convention, that they would 
never support any man for the Presidency who 
did not come forward and solemnly disavow the 
principle around whiclj the whole People of New 
York had rallied with such extraordinary unan- 
imity. The same unchangeable determination 
was, at a subsequent period, reaffirmed by the 
Legislature of Georgia, and inscribed on the pub- 
lic and permanent archives of the State. Pro- 
ceeding* similar in principle, though not, per- 
haps, in their extent, were had in the States of 
Virginia and Alabama, between whom and the 
democracy of New York the same friendly rela- 
tions have existed, though our claims upon 
their forbearance may not be as strong. Now, we 
are unwilling to believe that the highly respect- 
able parties to these proceedings can possibly en- 
tertain so loiv an opinion of the democratic citi- 
zens of New York as to suppose them capable of 
thus qualifying themselves for their support. They 
cannot, we are sure, believe them such slaves to 
the lust of office as to su[)pose that in view of the 
disfranchising and ostracizing resolutions to which 
we have referred, and with a t'ull knowledge that 
the State of which they have the high honor to 
be citizens, is almost as one man in opposition to 
it, they could, whatever their own opinion of the 
principle miglit be, fur any earthly consideration, 
stoop so low as to take the pledge so imperatively 
demanded, and thereby subject their name to a 
load of ol)lo(iuy yver which the vvcters of forget- 
ful ne.ss would roll in rain. If we are ri;;ht in 
this, as we cannot but be, then in what other light 
can we regard these exciting resolutions, tiian as 
so many decrees that unless the State of New 
York will openly retract opinions which it is well 
known she has deliberately formed and repeated- 
ly expressed, upon a public question of vital im- 
portance, her sons shall henceforth be excluded 
from the honors of the republic .' Such a test 
may be imposed on the democratic candidate for 
the Presidency ; the citzens of New York may 
be thus ostracized — its representatives in Con- 
gress and in the legishitive halls, its presses, pub- 
lic speakers, and even electors debarred from par- 
ticipating in the canvass, and the State thus sur- 
rendered to our political opponents ; but we should 
be unmindful of our high trust, and unjust to our 
brethren of the Union, if, knowing the sentiments 
of northern freemen, we did not now declare that 
any candidate for the Presidency, presented upon 
such principles, and qualified by the degrading 
submission they seem to require, must inevitably 
meet with defeat and disgrace. 

Fifthly. Whilst we have witnessed with feel- 
ings of respect and gratitude, the solicitude evinc- 
ed by our triends in other States in regard to the 
schism which has existed, and does still, to a li- 
mited extenr, exist in the Democratic parly of 
this State, we have seen, on the other hand, with 
mortification and regret the unjust and unfound- 
ed opinions promulgated upon the subjecl in 
quarters frcm which we had a right to expect* 



more correct views. It is due to all concerned, 
that the causes of that schism should be truly 
and explicitly stated. We shall do this with the 
frankness that we intend shall distinguish all the 
proceedings of this Convention. 

There has scarcely ever been a period* in the 
history of our party when it presented so for- 
midable a front to its opponents as in the winter 
of 1S43, and the spring of 1814. Guided by the 
counsels of men who, by lives of political probi- 
ty and consistency, had earned its entire confi- 
dence and warm affections, and its masses per- 
fectly united on their candidate for the Presiden- 
cy, there was no calculation upon its efficiency 
that seemed extravagant. Officers of the General 
Government were indeed posted in the lobbies of 
the legislature seeking to create distraction, and 
to prevent that body from reflecting the wishes of 
their constituents — officers and emissaries who 
are still at the same work, and not a few of whom, 
we are sorry to say, are still basking in the sun- 
shine of Federal patronage. Their efforts were, 
however, without ai^ail, and the legislature broke 
up with an expression of opinion which reflected 
the will of their constituents, and was adopted 
with unusual unanimity. Tne Baltimore Con- 
vention followed, and of its results and proceed- 
ings we need only say that they came upon the 
Democratic party of this State with an effect at 
once astounding and disqualifying. Two opin- 
ions rose promptly and spontaneously to the 
minds of all reflecting men, and those were 1st: 
That the election would, in all probability, be 
controlled by the vote of this State — and 2d : That 
that vote could only be secured to Mr. Polk by 
the nomination for Governor of the ever lament- 
ed Statesman, Silas Wright. ' The promi- 
nent men of the party, notwithstanding the 
keenness of their disappointment and their dis- 
satisfaction at the means by which their wish- 
es had been defeated, did not hesitate a mo- 
ment in stepping forward to rescue, as they 
then supposed the democratic party from the dan- 
gers that surrounded it. To bring about the de- 
sired nomination for Governor it was for some 
tim<* deemed indispensable that the highly re- 
spectable citizen who then occupied the Execu- 
tive chair and is now the incumbent of the most 
resjjonsible office in this State by the appoint- 
ment of President Polk, should be prevailed up- 
on to decline a re-nomination. This he refused 
to do. It is known to many that the enjoy- 
ment of the office of Governor in whatever form 
conferred, was as opposite to Mr. Wright's' 
wishes, as his friends knew it to be adverse to his 
interests, but enly an actual observer could ap- 
preciate tlie aversion with which he contemplated 
the use of his name for the defeat of Gov. Bouck's 
re-nomination, in case Gov. B. desired are-nomi- 
nation, or the unfeigned regret with which he 
finally bowed to the mandate of his party. The 
fact of his nomination and the consequent success 
of President Polk are known to all. 

There is in all parties a band of dissatisfied men 
secretly hostile to the powers they profess to sup- 
port. Mr. Wright's administration commenced 
in January, 1845, and that of Mr. Polk in March. 
The class of men to which we have alluded wae 
in this State powerless of itself. But there was 
at this time another composed of able men whose 



13 



relations to the democratic party were less im- 
paired, and who constituted an important part of 
the State Senate. They were deeply dissatisfied 
at the displacement of Gov. Bouck ; to some it 
was a disappointment of cherished schemes of 
personal aggrandizement, and fo others it was of- 
fensive as a mortification of an amiable citizen 
for whom they had a warm regard. The former 
were unavoidably hostile and the latter might be- 
come so in a certarn event — together they were 
capable from their ability, experience and official 
position, of seriously obstructing the State ad- 
ministration, and distracting the party. In the 
few monihs that intervened between the com- 
mencement of the State and National adminisfra- 
trations, everything was smooth upon the surface 
of these elements of discontent. All reflecting 
men saw that the future cordial support of the 
State administration, and the consequent harmo- 
ny of the party, depended upon the President's se- 
lection of the representative of the New York 
democracy in his cabinet. If it was such as to 
give assurance that opposition to Mr. Wright 
would be frowned down at Washington, tranquil- 
lity was assured — if the reverse, materials of dis- 
content only awaited encuragement from abroad 
to take the form of a third party in the State. 

The selection of the individual who was to 
speak the opinions and wishes of the democracy 
of New- York, in Mr. Polk's cabinet, was finally 
made; and the effeci it produced on those here 
who had been made.hostile to Gov. Wright by the 
sacrifice he had made of himself, and of his fond- 
est desires, to secure the election of the dem* 
cratic ticket, wa« instantaneous, universal, and 
most decisive. The bpli\?f that Governor Wright 
would be the man to whom the democracy of 
this state and of the Union, would look at the 
next Presidential election to redress the injus- 
tice which had recently been done to her, was 
general. Although placed in this attitude, with- 
out any agency of his own, it very readily oc- 
curred to the .sagacious malcontents at Albany, 
that every rival-aspirant would exert his ener- 
gies, to weaken Mr. Wright's position, and im- 
pair the weight in the national scale of a state 
which had just given such a strik ing proof of its 
great capacity and irrepressible energies. How- 
ever erroneous this conclusion may have been, 
its full adoption by them is very certain, and the 
immediate consequence was a virtual severance 
of themselves'from the friends of the State ad- 
ministration, and concealed, but not the lessac- 
tive opposition to its measures, with unceasing 
hostility to Gov. Wright, and determined oppo- 
sition to his future advancement— all looking to 
an ultimate organization as a separate faction if 
they should fail in getting possession ot the 
democratic party of the state. Nothing which 
Gov. Wright could have done consistent with 
the faithful performance of his official duties, 
could have shaken, much less overcome, these 
resolutions. In this way, and from such impulses, 
arose the Conservative faction, in this State — a 
faction which secretly or openly opposed the ad- 
ministration of Gov. Wright through its whole 
course ; embittered the life, and by secret in- 
trigues, defeated the re-election of that great and 
good man, and which after his death succeeded 
at Syracuse, as it supposed, in advancing the ob- 



ject for which it was originally organized, viz ; 
the prostration of the consolidated and rightful 
influence of this great state with the democ- 
racy of the Union. This faction soon learned 
that in the democratic party it was powerless. So 
early a^ the spring of 1S46, therefore, it organi- 
zed itself in the county of Albany into a separate 
party to which not only all the ofliicers of the ge- 
neral government residing in that county, and 
the intimate friends of the Secretary at War be'- 
longed, but which was notoriou.'sly created, and 
directed by, and almost wholly constituted of, 
such officers and friends. The pretended regu- 
larity of this organization was submitted to the 
State Convention which nominated Silas Wright 
in 1S4G, and declared spurious. Refusing to 
abide the arbitrament they Ijad invoked, its mem- 
bers not only maintained their organization but 
by .subsequent inflammatory appeals to the demo- 
cracy at public meetings, and through the press, 
up to the very moitient of the fall election, rolled 
up an unprecedented majority of 2,S00 against 
Gov Wright in the county of Albany, and ensur- 
ed his defeat in the State. Their labors did not end 
here. Delegates from this spurious organization 
were sent to the Judicial State Convention in the 
spring of 1847, and again pronounced counterfeit 
In steady prosecution of the original object, ef- 
forts were then made to extend this irregular or- 
ganization to the rest of the State, and to combine 
it at the Capitol. The original conspirators and 
their friends accordingly assembled, on the 
■2Gthoflast month, at the seat of the conspiracy, 
and the theatre of its first exhibition, under cir- 
cumstances of imposition and audacity never even 
approached in the annals of our party warfare, and 
have undertaken to, perfect their organization 
throughout the State, and to speak to you, and 
to our political brethern throuiihout the Un- 
ion in your name. Bolting from the demo- 
cratic party which has imposed no tests, and 
covering their defection under the false charge 
that it has, they ally themselves with a South- 
ern and slaveholding faction which demands 
of the democratic candidate for the Presidency, 
as a qualifying test, a renunciation of the cause 
of human freedom. Committed in every form of 
speech, writing and action, to your established 
usages of choosing delegates to a National con- 
vention by a State convention, and of •ailing 
State conventions by Legislative caucuses, they 
secede from your ranks because instead of submit- 
ting to the Syracuse usurpations you ask and exer- 
cise the privilege of determining for yourselves 

whether these usages shall be changed. 

Nurtured and fed, if not. begotten at Wash- 
ington, and assemblitvg at the capital of the 
State, under the call of a central committee 
which overrides all local organization, they de- 
claimed against an extinct central power, which 
lives only in the memory of tlie abuses they 
themselves perpetrated by it. Leading, active 
notorious and unyielding opponents of the call 
for a Convention and the new Constitution which 
swept away these abuses, they boldly assume the 
inception of (he movement out of which these 
ialutary reforms grew. Rich, swollen and glut- 
ted with the profits of Bank Stock, Public Print- 
mg, and Domestic Manufactures, they shout 
against Banks, Monopolies and Special Legisla- 



H 



tion, and hurrah for Free Trade, which they lob- 
bied to defeat, with a strenj^th, confidence, and 
apparent ardor that render the original and con- 
sistent opponents of all these p;reat abuses, and 
of the Tariff of 1S12, inaudible if not impercep- 
tible. Prominent, conspicuous, and odious mem- 
bers of the only Regency ever described by the 
Whiijs, they turn upon themselves vviih a fierce- 
ness and fatal precision tliat would be cert.iin su- 
icide, if they were politically alive. I5ut we for- 
bear further comment on inconsistencies so glar- 
ing and transparent. 

Pretences, futile in their nature or false in fact, 
to excuse their oppositron to Gov. Wright, on 
thegiouiid of his own acts, have been and will 
continue to be resorted to, but wjiatever may be 
the case with those who are remote from the 
scene of action, no hcTnesc man here who knows 
the parties, or has witnessed the transactions to 
which we have referred, will, for a momeut hes- 
itate in giving to the motives, ^objects, and crea- 
tion of this faction, the character we have ascri- 
bed to it. The correctness of tlie interpretation 
of the feelings and wishes of the Federal Admin- 
istration which this faction so decidedly adopted, 
and have ever since most unliesitatingly continu- 
ed to act upon, it is not our present purpose to 
determine. We are aware that its accuracy is 
denied by those who are the best judges of their 
real wishes and intentions We are content to 
leave the validity of that denial to the unbiassed 
judsremont of those interested. Should any cir- 
cumstances arise which make the avowal of our 
own opinion upon the point important or neces- 
sary, to the vindication of any course we may find 
it necessary to pursue, that opinion, with the 
reasons upon which it is founded, sliall be unre- 
servedly given To the present e.xplanalion 
this is not necessary. 

Among the friends of Gov. Wrisht whom he 
thought deserving of a place in the National Cabi- 
net, there was not a single one by whom its ac- 
ceptance would not have been regarded' as a sac- 
rifice of personal feeling and interest, or who 
could have been induced to accept it from any 
other motive than a sense of public duty. The 
official favors of the President might have been 
scattered through the State with a discernible 
bias in favor of the opponents of the State Admin- 
istration, without the slightest danger of a serious 
rup'tuie in the party. Here and there he might 
have met with an indignant remonstrance, but its 
eflfecfs would have been limited and temporary, 
for it is justly due to the sterling democracy of 
New York, whatever those who choose to under- 
rate its patriotism may speak or tiiink of them, 
to say, that upon its Ynasses the patronage of no 
government can make the least im[)ression. If 
proof of this be required, v»e have only to refer to 
the present condition of the democracy of the cit- 
ies of New York and IJuflTalo, and the manner in 
which ti^ey are known to have been treated in 
this respect. Private griefs on the part of the de 
mocrdtic party, or of any of its prominent mem- 
bers, have therefore had nothing to do in produ- 
cing the present state of things. The evil under 
which we have suffered, is the deliberate forma- 
tion of a (action by the means we have described, 
in what was once the democratic ranks, and 
which seeks, the prostration of the jolitical in- 



fluence of this State before that of its peers 
in the confederacy — a faction which was engen- 
dered by the conviction that it would receive aid 
and comfort from without, and which is alone 
sustained by the impression, whether well or ill 
founded, that its members are the favorites here 
of the General Administration. If asked how 
long this state ot things is to continue, we can 
only say, put the same question to any sensible 
man you meet with here, whether he believes 
that the faction represented by the recent Con- 
vention at Albany, or the individuals who com- 
posed it, would with the knowledge they possess 
of their present condition in the State, continue 
their disorganizing and distracting schemes, if 
they were confident that it would injure their in- 
fluence and standing witli tlic General Adminis- 
tration, and in ninety-nine out of a hundred ca- 
ses, he would unhesitatingly say, " No, by no 
means" — and such is also our own opinion. — 
There are doubtless many honest men yet allied 
to this faction, although their numbers are dimin- 
ishing with unprecedented dispatch. I5ut the 
leaders who originally formed and still direct its 
, course, are among the mosi experienced and cun- 
J ning tacticians in the State, who quickly unjer- 
I stand when there is a desire that they should do 
I so. Let them be made to know that the stupen- 
Idous fraud they are concocting to neutralize the 
1 influence of this State in National politics, 
' will be remembered to their disadvantage at the 
] seat of power, and we will vouch. for it, that 
i within one month, the deimScratic party of this 
I toate will be restored to Iramjuility, and the efii- 
; ciency which it possessed belore the, to it, disas- 
! Irons campaign of 18-M,,be speedily revived. 

Fellow citizens : Il.iving thus to you, or in your 
name, expressed the sentiments in regard to na- 
tional affairs which we deem the occasiondemands, 
let us briefly call your attention to the position 
and history of our State politics. The first re- 
flectioh that naturally rises in this connection to 
the mind of one familiar with the relation New 
York has borne to the Union, (aside from the estab- 
lishment of principles,) is a recollection of the 
vast disproportion between the honest aid our de- 
mocracy have given to the democratic party of 
the Union and the returns that have been made. 
From the great overthrow of federalism in ISOO, 
until the filial contest of 1844, the democracy of 
New York have been true in their allegiance to 
tljeir brethren of the Union, and tl^eir strong arm 
has generally given the victory to the democratic 
cause; and yet during that long period, how rare 
have been the instances when, from some unde- 
finable cause, influence at Washington was not 
wholly wielded by citizens of our State, destitute 
of standing or weight at home ? Yet this morti- 
fying experience will not be without its use, if it 
teaches those who take a higher and deeper in- 
terest in political action than the love of ofljce 
can inspire, the undeniable truth that our ovvn 
State presents a field of political progress 
far more encouraging and worthy of improve- 
ment, than that to which their attention has been, 
heretofore, so largely directed. With a popula- 
tion outnumbering that of many European na- 
tions — identified in feeling and interest to a de- 
gree far CAceeding those of ihe Union — rich, 
prosperous, and free — an opportunity is here pre- 



n 



sented to advance the true principles of civil go- 
vernment abundantly adequate to satistify a 
reasonable ambition. The democratic fabric, 
indeed, is at present in ruins — prostrated by 
the great victory of 184 1 — but we are used to ad-_ 
versity, and schooled in its uses. All that the 
indomitable democracy of New York want, to 
enable them to rise with renewed vigor and 
strength from their fall, is a fair field, and no false 
friends. History is philosophy teaching by exam- 
ple, and of all history that of the democratic 
part> of New York is most instructive in this wise. 
Springing from the revolutionary war, and con- 
nected with the feuds that had arisen in the fierce 
civil contests between the great families of the 
State, it became, in no small degree, the sharer 
of struggles in which personal feelings, friend- 
ships, and antipathies had as much, if not greater 
weight, than a desire for the establishment of just 
and wise political principles. 

Many views which could not now be regarded 
as in any sense liberal were still adhered to, be- 
cause they were in favor under the monarchy, 
and had formed no part of the issues which had 
produced the war. But the glorious spirit which 
cave rise to the revolution, and which is, by its 
nature, at war with all abuses in government, 
constituted the corner stone of what was first the 
whig, then the anti-federal, afterwards the repub- 
lican, and now the democratic party. Its work- 
ings were embarrassed and its advance obstructed 
by old associations and unwise habits of thinking 
on the part of many of its most zealous advocates ; 
but it worked on. Slow at first, it has neverthe- 
less developed, is now developing, and will con- 
tinue to develope its powers until our political 
regeneration is as complete as the most ardent 
friends of the rights of man could desire. Even 
a rapid review of our p;u-ty history through the 
long lapse of years that has intervened since its 
formation, cannot fail to prove instructive, espe- 
cially at a moment like the present. Powerful 
as it has been, and can be again, no adequate op- 
portunity for the display of the benificent effects 
which the spread of its principles is capable of 
producing, has yet been afibrded. 

The attention of our leading politicians has 
been too much diverted by temptations from 
abroad, a tendency to which we desire to fix more 
reasonable limits for the future. In seeing what 
has already been accomplished, we may infer 
what may hereafter be effected by a steady and 
disinterested perseverance in enligtitened and vir-* 
tuous political action. 

The obstacles, which have for such a series of 
years, retarded the advance of the principles 
which should govern a party that is democratic 
in its faith, as well as in its name, are : — 

First. Its connexion with the banking system 
of the Sta'e. Hosts of our firmest friends have 
been seduced by the temptation of being able by 
its means to live without labor, and have been 
rendered, through its influence, disloyal to their 
professed principles, and have, for the most part, 
become in the end, alike uselesss as well to 
their party, as to themselves. We, by this con- 
nexion also made our party responsible for the 
extent to which the representative system was 
degraded by legislative corruptions, through bank 
nfluence, and for the plunder of the working 



classes by the banks themselves, through aworth- 
fess paper circulation. It was difficult for the 
masses to retain confidence in professed democrats 
who beacme parties to such schemes, and our 
cause suffered through their venality, or indiscre- 
tion, or both. 

Seamdly. The support for so long a period 
given by the democratic party to the protective 
policy in the extent to which it was carried, haa 
been another source of weakness; the truth now 
so prevalent, that under the fraudulent disguise 
of an intention to promote the prosperity of the 
farming and mechanic classes, were concealed by 
the initiated the design and effect of making the 
rich richer and the poor poorer, was well under- 
stood by the demrcratic masses before it was ap- 
preciated by their leaders. The numerous prince- 
ly fortunes which have within a few years been 
accumulated by the favored few, whilst the bu- 
siness operations of all other classes were unpro- 
ductive, have at last opened the eyes of all un- 
prejudiced observers. 

Third/}/. The concentration of the power of 
appointment to office at the seat of government 
was for a long time a prolific source of popular 
distrust and discredit. Springing from an unde- 
served distrust of either the intelligence or hones- 
ty of the people — its existence was a cause of of- 
fence to them, whilst it afibrded to the intriguing 
politician and the venal courtier rewards and 
honors, which, under wiser regulations, would 
have been given to the virtuous and deserving ci- 
tizen. 

Fourthly. Special and exclusive legislation, 
one of the worst and most dangerous abuses of po- 
litical power, flourished almost as much under a 
nominally democratic as under federal sway. 

Fifthly. Appearances, .false in fact, but t)lau«i- 
ble in their nature, have for a succession of 
years exposed the democratic party of this State 
to the imputation of being the abettors of human 
slavery. The vulnerable character of its condi- 
tion in this respect has, of course, not been left 
unimproved by our opponents, and year after 
year has this consideration deprived us of thou- 
sands of friends who, before this delusion took 
possession of them, were sincere, intelligent, and 
devoted democrats; but who, finally, sank into 
the fanatical ranks of abolitionism. 

These counteracting elements, and others that 
might be adverted to, have been cor.stantly 
at work to retard the onward march of the 
democratic party. But how successfully have 
they been met and overcome by the spirit 
of liberty which gave it birth and watch- 
es over its growth. Two successive new 

constitutions have been framed and adopted 

the scramble for bank charters no longer dis- 
graces our halls of legislation — trade is freed by 
the Democracy of the Union, from the shackles 
which bound it, and the treasury of the people 
declared and made independent — the central- 
ization of power at the capital is destroyed — spe- 
cial privileges and immunities have given place 
to acts of general legislation. By a fortunate ac- 
cident, or a special providence, the assumption 
by slaveholders of a new and indefensible posi- 
tion on the subject of slavery, has enabled demo- 
crats to stand forth in their natural and true atti- 
tude, as the champions of human freedom ; and 



16 



better, far better, than all or either, the advocates 
and beneficiaries of all these abuses and obstruc- 
tions, have formally, and in a body, abandoned 
the democratic party and set up for themselves. 
Of all the displays which the vital principle of 
freedom has exhibited, the last is the most strik- 
ing and grateful. The democratic party of New- 
York moves on without the fetters upon its ac- 
tion that selfish and sinister influences ha^e hith- 
erto imposed. It invites to its ranks the just, 
and virtuous, and true. It will welcome them to 
a standard which is unfurled, after rare defeats, 
with redoubled energy, and the hope of more en- 
during ascendancy. On it are inscribed '* Free 
Trade, Free Labor, Free Soil, Free Speech, and 
Free Men." 

A brilliant future opens upon our pros- 
pect. A convention to fiame a new consti- 
tution — the cherished object of a long struggle — 
eventually obtained the support of a vast majori- 
ty of the electors of New York. The new con- 
stitution til which it gave birth, secured most of 
the valuable reforms for wiiich true democrats 
labored, and became the organic law of the State, 
with the hearty assent of the people. The war 
in which we are now engaged, commands the 
support of all true patriots, and in this State, no- 
toriously, is not the subject of party division. — 
The sacred principle of consecrating free soil 
to freedom, enlists the warm support of our elec- 
tors, with insignificant exceptions. The great 
principles of the democratic faith, having thus 
secured a warm and generous approval, the mea- 
sures to give them practical application having 
thus signally triumphed, who ventures to doubt 
that on the first presentation hereafter of the grei't 
principles of Democracy in the persons of candi- 
dates truly representing them, the freemen, of 
Ibis State will, with their accustomed power and 
fidelity, incline victory to the democratic standard .' 
We should gladly unite with our brethren of oth- 
er States, where union is practicable, upon just 
and honorable terms; but without their assistance, 
our unaided energies can secure to the democra- 
tic partv a dominion, which for extent, resources, 
cultivation, and enlightened constitutional liberty, 
may well be styled an Empire of Freedom. 

Messrs. R.-s.thbun, of Cayuga, and Nye, of 

Madison, then addressed the Convention, after 

which it adjourned to 10 o'clock to-morrow 

morning 

THURSDAY. 

The Convention met pursuant to adjournment, 
when Mr. Doolittle, from the committee for 
that purpose reported a series of resolutions Af- 
ter a discussion in which Messrs. Colvix and 
Van Buren, of Albany, Hulburt, of Oneida, 
Waterbury, of New York, and Doolittle, of 
Wyoming participated, the resolutions were, with 
some amendment, ananimously adopted, as fol- 
lows: 



Resolutions. 

Resolved, That the Democracy of the State of 
New York hold to a strict construction of the 
Constitution of the United States and of this State; 
the independent sovereignty of the several States 
in all their reserved rights; eternal vigilance 
against any encroachment by the General Govern- 
ment upon the rights of the States, or by the 
State upon the equal and natural rights of the 
individual; free labor, free soil and free trade; 
freedom from public debt; freedom of worship; 
freedom of speech and freedom of the press: An 
Independent Treasury ; a revenue tariff, at pre- 
sent, to meet the ordinary expenses of the go- 
vernment; no distribution of the proceeds of the 
public lands among the States, and no monopoly 
thereof by land speculators; — peace with all the 
world, so long as it can be maintained without a 
sacrifice of national character; a vigorous prose- 
cution of the existing war with Mexico, until we 
obtain an honorable peace upon a just and suffi- 
cient indemnity : and that they desire the preser- 
vation of the nationality of Mexico, and no incor- 
poration of its populous states as a part of the 
American nation ; and are prepared to resist the 
introduction of the European doctrine of the ba- 
lance of power upon the North American con- 
tinent, cost what it may, of treasure or of blood. 

Resolved, That a public debt is the strong for- 
tress behind which the money power securely 
raises itself to the supremacy in the State, and 
wields a sceptre more potent for mischief, be- 
cause unseen, than the sceptre of kings over the 
interests of the public ; that the republican sys- 
tem, though existing in form, becomes a mockery 
and a delusion when the agents of the people, 
in the Halls of Legislation or in the Cabinet, are 
subjected to the influence of the Money Power, 
whether it be in the form of corporate usurpa- 
tion, profusion of expenditure, or a Government 
Exchequer; and that we have witnessed with 
profound gratification the efforts of the people of 
this and other States to stay, by the interposi- 
tion of constitutional barriers, the further pro- 
gress of this dangerous usurpation of the rights of 
the people to self-government. 

Resolved, That the nseasures of the General 
Government calculated and designed to estab- 
lish commercial freedom, equal taxation and the 
constitutional currency of goli and silver, are 
entitled to the strong and abiding approval of the 
Democracy of this State and Nation. 

Resolved, That these measures of salutary re- 
form should not only be maintained by the best 
efforts of the democracy, but others proposed and 
carried out, which shall secure a retrenchment 
of the expenses and patronage of the Federal 
Government, the abolition of all unnecessary offi- 
ces and salaries, and the e.vercise by the people 
of the right of electing all local officers in the 
service of that Government, so far as the same 
may be practicable. 

Resolved, That in the opinion of this Conven- 
tion, it is the duty of Congress, during its present 
session, to provide a territorial Government for 
the people of Oregon, and to organize such other 
territorial Governments as are necessary to pro- 
tect the rights of the American citizen, who has 
abandoned the home and friends of his youth to 



17 



conquer the wilderness of the Far West, and 
carve out inheritances for the rising generation. 
Resolved, That while the democracy of New 
York, represented in this Convention, will faith- 
fully adhere to all the compromises of the Con- 
stitution and maintain all the reserved rights of 
the States, they declare, since the crisis has ar- 
rived when that question must be met, their un- 
compromisina: hostility to the extension of slavery 
into territory now free, which may be hereafter 
acquired, by any action of the Government of the 
United Stares. 

Whereas, The President of the United States 
in his last annual message, has recommended the 
establishment by Congress of Territorial Govern- 
ments over the conquered Mexican provinces of 
New Mexico and California, and the retention 
thereof as an indemnity; in which said territories 
the institution of slavery does not now exist, 
therefore. 

Resolved, That our Senators and Representa- j 
tives in Congress be requested to use their best I 
efforts to insert into any act or ordinance, estab- 1 
lishing any and all such provisional or territorial I 
government or governments, a fundamental arti- ■ 
cle or provision which shall provide, declare and ; 
guaranty, that slavery or involuntary servitude, ■ 
except as a punishment for crime, whereof the ! 
party shall have been first duly convicted, shall be i 
prohibited therein so long as the same shall re- '■ 
main a territory. " ^ \ 

Resolved, That while the Democracy of New | 
York feel called upon by their re£ard for princi- 1 
pie and a conviction of duty to reiterate this em- '. 
phatic declaration of their sentiments and wish- • 
es, they have not now, nor have they ever hart, 
any desire to prescribe a test in the Presidential i 
canvass which might prevent the union of all ' 
who sustain the general principles of the demo- 
cratic creed; and that they deeply regret that any j 
of their Southern brethren should have unwisely i 
laid down a platform inconsistent with that union 
and inevitably tending to break up a national par- 1 
ty into sectional divisions. | 

Resolved, That the distinguished purity, the | 
unselfish fidelity, the noble sense of honor, and i 
the superior mental qualities, with the many i 
other excellencies of the late Silas Wright. ' 
presenting in his character a combination of mo- | 
ral worth and intellectual power unexcelled in | 
the elements of true greatness, and of which, 
every particular united in singular harmony to I 
increase the admirable beauty of the whole, as! 
well as his long course of high public service, 
and the patriotic zeal and devotion which marked 
it, are richly deserving of the love, ijratitude and 
respect of the people to whose service he gave 
his life. 

Resolved, That the death of George P. Bar- 
ker, the late Attorney General of this State, is an 
event of the most afflicting nature, and calls for 
the warm expression by ihis Convention of its 
respect for his memory, and sympathy with all to 
whom he was near and dear; and that by his death 
the State has lost one of its most promising and 
talented citizens. Society one of its highest and 
most cherished ornaments, and the Democratic 
Cause one of its most able, vigorous, sincere and 
devoted supporters. 



Resolved, That this Convention will not with- 
hold the expression of its confidence in the civil 
wisdom and public and private virtues of Tho- 
mas H. Bentox of Missouri. By his powerful 
and uniform support of the principles of Jefferso- 
nian Democracy throughout a long and illustrious 
j Senatorial career, characterized by unparalleled 
I industry and devotion to the interests of the 
country, he has won a proud pre-eminence among 
I the statesmen of his day, and endeared himself to 
' the masses of the American Democracy. 
i Resolved, That the Hon. John A. Dir, of the 
I Senate of the United States, by his high and no- 
j ble bearing in that distinguished body, has be- 
I come justly endeared to the democratic party in 
; this State and throughout the Union, and we re- 
joice in him as a most worthy successor of the 
late lamented Silas Wright. 

I Resolved, That Major Gen'l Zachart Tay- 
lor, by his masterly correspondence with the War 
I Department, no less than by his heroic conduct 
I and indomitable coolness and courage on the field 
I of battle, has shown himself to be, not only adis- 
[ tinguished military chieftain, but a man of great 
. mental and raorjl power, and whose whole life 
i has given evidence of a strong head, an honest 
1 heart and a republican simplicity of character. 

Resolved, That the achievements of our armies 
in Mexico, have proved the extraordinary military 
skill and intelligence of their officers,' and the 
indomitable valor of the common soldier, both 
regular and volunteer, and have added imperish- 
able lustre to our fame in arms. 

Resolved, That we recognize the State Central 
Committee duly appointed for the term of two 
years, by the Democratic State Convention held 
at Syracuse on the first day of October, 1S46, as 
being still the State Central Committee of the 
Democratic party of this State. . 

Resolved, That this Convention are in favor 
of and recommend the holding of a Democratic 
State Convention, to be composed of one deleo-ate 
from each Assembly district, for the puroose of 
nominating candidates for Electors of President 
and Vice President, and for such State oflScers as 
are to be chosen by General Ticket at the next 
fall election. 

Resolved, That this Convention are in favor of 
and recommend the caUing of such Democratic 
State Convention by the Democratic members of 
the Legislature, according tc the uniform demo- 
craiic usage; but, in case they should omit to 
make such call, we recommend that the Democ- 
racy of the State meet in convention to take such 
measures as may be necessary to avert the danger 
of being without candidates for their suffrages 
which will then have arisen, and that the Stote 
Central Committee designate a time and place 
for the assembling of such Convention. 

Mr. Bockee, from the committee of thirty- 
four appointed for that purpose, reported the fol- 
lowing as Delegates, and their alternates, to rep- 
resent the Democracy of New York in the Na- 
tional Convention to be held at Baltimore in Ma/ 
next- — 



18 



State at Large. 

Delegates. JUtemates. 

C. C. CAMBRELENG, ANDREW H. MICKLE 
JARED WILSON, ALBERT LESTER. 

Dist. CONCRESStOl^AL DISTRICTS. 

1, Platt Willf.tts, Samuel Philips. 
2 Minth'e Tompkins, Samukl E. Johnson. 

3, John A. Kennedy, George H. Purser. 

4, RoBT. H. Maclay, Elijah F. Purdy. 
.0, W.F. Havemeyer, Mark Spencer. 

G, Sam'l J. TiLDEN, Amos F. Hatfield. 

7, Ray Tompkins, John C. Blauvelt. 

8, Gov'neur Kemble, Henry Downing. 

9, Robt. Denniston, Merrit H. C.\sh. 

10, Jon. D.Ostkander, Rodney A. Chipp. 

11, Jno. P. Beekman, James Powers. 

12, John J. Viele, Reilly Loomis. 

13, Nicholas Hill, Jr., Peter Cagger. 

14, Cor L. Allen, James S. Whallon. 

15, Amos A. Prescott, Walter Geer. 

16, Platt Potter, Abraham Y.Lansing 

17, Wm. C. Grain, Ahpha.xed Loomis. 

18, Preston King, ^Villiam Collins. 

19, A. S. Green, James F Starbuck. 
20,' Ward Hunt, John Dean. 

il, L. J. Walworth, David Eldridge. 

22, Oliv'r C Crocker, Richard H. Sackett. 

23, James W. Nye, Leander Babcock. 

24, William Fuller, Horace Wheaton. 
2.5, Thos. Y. How, Jr, Daniel H. Titus. 

26, Jno. W. Wisner, Rich'd H. Williams. 

27, James C. Smith, Addison F. Knox. 

28, Henry R. Selden, Samuel P. Gould. 

29, J. S Wadsworth, William C. Dryer. 

30, Martin Grover, And'w G. Chatfield 

31, William H. Tew, William Colville. 

32, John T. Hudson, Horatio Seymour, Jr. 
33* Jas. R. Doolittle, Dean Richmond. 

34', Geo. H. Stone. Robert H. Stevens. 

The repori of the committee was accepted 
without a dissenting voice, and the persons nam- 
ed duly appointed such delegates and alternates. 
On motion, it was likewise 

Resolved, That the delegates to the National Conven- 
Uon bi." and they are hereby enipowert-d to till any vacancy 
■ caused hy the absence of both the delegate and the alter- 
nate appointed by this Convention. 

On motion of Mr. Jewett, the thanks of the 
Convention were presented to the Methodist 
Episcopal Society for the use of their building 
darin" the deliberations of the Convention. 
Gn motion of Mr. Bockee, 

Resolved, That the fh:!nks of this convention be ten. 
dered to the Hon. John Tracy, for the sbility, fairness and 
dignity with which he has discharged the duties of Presi- 
dent of tais Convention. 

On motion of Mr. Jewett, 

ResoUeJ, That iJOOnO copies of the Address and pro- 
eeedin'sof this Convention be printed in pamphlet form. 
under the direction o! a committee for thjt purpose; and 
thai the Democratic papers of the State, and the IVashhig- 
ton D'nion be likewise requested to publish the proceed- 
ings. 

Messrs. Jewett, Colvin, and Waterbury, 
were appointed under the preceding resolution, 
after which the President, in a few appropriate 
remarks, thanked the Convention for their ex- 
pression of kindness towards him, and the Con- 
vention adjourned sine die. 



JOHN TRACY, President 

Henry Keyser, 

Robt. Denniston, 

John Keyes Paige, 

H. S. Johnson, 

Abijah Beckwith, 

Henry S. Randell, 

George Rathbun, 

H. P. D.\rrow, 
Daniel H. Tompkins, "l 
Calvin P. Vary, I 

James W. Nye, j 

James S. Whallon, J 



Vice Presid/ta. 



Secretaries. 



Speech of John Van Buren, 

At tUe Dcmocrntlc State Convention at Uttca^ 
Feljruarj' 16. 1S48. 



Mr. VAN BUREN said :— 
It is to be desired that the members of this Con- 
vention may adopt a declaration of the principles 
they entertain, which shall be alike due to the 
democracy of this state, and at the same time, 
arrived at with a unanimity, cordiality and con- 
cert of action, that shall produce the impression 
that proceeding's thus conducted always produce. 
With that view it has been my desire either by 
conversation with ttie different members of the 
Convention, or by hearing, which I always like 
to hear, the views which they may entertain 
publicly expressed by the delegates themselves, 
to ascertain their various opinions. It was with 
that view that I was induced to postpone any re- 
marks I might desire to make until, in some way, 
I could learn what were the views of the dele- 
gates to the Convention in regard to some of the 
delicate and responsible positions we are called 
upon to assume. I do not belong to that class of 
individuals who entertain any apprehension of 
public discussion, and it seemed to me, at Alba- 
ny, that if there was any one feature more than 
another which indicated that the Convention as- 
semblevl there in the nameof the democratic par- 
ty did not belong to it, it was the fact that when- 
ever they proceeded to transact any business they 
adjourned. The first motion, when it was pro- 
posed to take a step on the part of the Conven- 
tion, was, to adjourn and caucus outside. That, 
in my judgment, is not a suitable manner in 
which to conduct a Democratic Convention. — 
This practice originated when leading men in the 
Republican party attended Conventions and con- 
trolled their proceedings, and when it was only 
necessary to report what they directed to the con- 
stituent body. That time has gone by. It is op- 
posed to the spirit of the present age, and now a 
man acts for himself, expresses his opinions, 
communes with his associates and arrives at the 
feelings of the Mass He conforms to them, if 
they accord with his ; if not, then he dissents, and 
if necessary, secedes. The resolutions read by 
the chairman embody, in the main, so far as I 
understand them from a single reading, the views 
I entertain myself in regard to public questions, 
and individuals. There are, in one or two in- 
stances, indications on the part of the committee 
of a laudable desire to make some expression 
which shall harmonize the various views of in- 
dividuals known to be in some degree discordant. 
On conversing with some members of the com- 



19 



mittee, and several other delegates in regard to 
«ne or two of'the resolutions, I found that their 
views concurred with my own, both as to what it 
is expedient to say and what to omit. And inas- 
much as this is the fact, I take the liberly of ad- 
dressing a few remarks to the Convention, in the 
course of which it will be seen what the views 
are that others, as well as myself, entertain, and 
if in any instance they do not asree with the reso- 
lutions of the committee it will be necessary to 
have them, in some degree, modified, or to have 
a divided vote upon them. I feel that an apolo- 
gy is called for from me, in addressing any addi- 
tional remarks to this convention after introduc- 
ing an address embodying, on full consultation 
with the committee, all the views that it is im- 
portant in my judgment to express. But there 
may possibly be something in my position 
which authorizes me to make a few remarks in 
this convention which it would not be proper to 
incorporate in an address coming from a demo- 
cratic convention representing the great republi- 
can party of the State. It is peculiarly proper 
that such a body should speak with care, delibe- 
ration and reflection, and above al( with entire 
unanim.ity and a full sense of the responsibility 
due to their position. In reference to myself, 
from causes not necessary to advert >o, I feel 
entirely at liberty to speak such opinions 
as truth and justice demand at my hands. I 
commit nobody, no'oriously, by the declarations 
I make, because they are made solely on my 
own responsibility, and what may become of 
them is wholly unimportant, because what be- 
comes of tlie individual who chooses to express 
them is equally so. It is eminently wise and 
proper that leading men in the Republican par- 
ty should be actuated by a proper degree of care 
and caution in the views they may express. It 
is due to themselves and to their friends, because 
when they take a position which their friends 
cannot assent to, they embarress those who are 
in the habit ofactin<; with them, and sacrifice 
themselves. No such considerations in any re- 
spect apply to me. 

In regard to these resolutions, they very pro- 
perly reiterate that great principle of human 
freedom which has come to be termed, some- 
times in derision and s(;metimps in approbation, 
the Corner Stone of the democratic faith. And 
however olhciis may have had difficulty in the 
matter, I have never (bund the sli;;htest degree 
of embarrassment or difficulty in making this de- 
claration. I saw none at Syracuse, though I 
probably had not the honor of being a member 
of that body when the resolution was proposed. 
I say probably, because if it was no! converted 
into a mob, and was to be considered at that time 
in the morning as a delegated convention, then 
a majority of the body had voted tiiat I was not 
a member. It, on tlie other hand, it was an ag- 
gregation ot individuals all speaking at once and 
in utter disorder, then I was one o( its members. 
Now it was urged in opposition to the resolution 
there that it was uncalle.l lor, and that it prescri- 
bed a new test. Why, w; :r;re and how does it 
prescribe a new test .-' Vi i express the great 
principles of the repubi-ci:: party, or their pre- 
ference for individuals, no matter which it may 
be, and when you come le the polls you act i^ 



reference to all these opinions and vote for the 
candidate who comes the nearest to your stan- 
dard of all those in nomination. But it is said 
there was nothing for the State officers to do ia 
regard to this matter. This is true, and it is 
equally true that there was nothing for them to 
do in regard to the war, in regard to the Inde- 
pendent Treasury, in regard to the Tariff, and 
yet nobody deemed it improper to make a decla- 
ration of the principles of the Republican party 
in regard to all these, prior to going into an elec- 
tion. But it was said to be made a test by de- 
claring this opinion, when it was known that 
some of the individuals nominated did not enter- 
tain the faith we profes.s. Well, Vi^ithouc stop- 
ping to approve or blame the past conduct of the 
Re))ublican party, is it not notorious that they 
have constJ^ntly declared opinions and nominated 
candidates who in some respects in regard to 
these questions do not conform to the feelings of 
the nominating conventions. Take for instance 
the nomination of the most important State offi- 
cer at Syracuse — the Comptroller. Among the 
resolutions adopted by that Convention, was one 
strongly in favor of free trade, and of the tariff of 
'46, and yet that tariff was voted against by the 
very man put in nomination. Was a test made 
then, when they pas.sed a resolution and nomina- 
ted a candidate whose opinions and action had 
been in opposition to it? Was there not more 
propriety in passing a resolution approving the 
Wilmot Proviso, when this same candidate had, 
?s a member of Congress voted for it.' It was 
not then uncalled for, or improper: in my hum- 
ble judirment it should have been adopted by the 
Convention. It should be adopted by every Con- 
vention called in the name of the democracy that 
ever assembled in the State. And you by no 
means make it a controlling or exclusive test in 
taking that course. It is said we propose to di- 
vide the party, tliat it was intended by those who 
proposed the resolution to divide the party ; yet 
that is a declaration and complaint that has been 
made ever since my recollection, and my recollec- 
tion in political matters goes further back than 
most persons of my age. When the Independent 
Treasury bill was proposed Nathan'l P.Tallmadge, 
John C. Clark, Gov. Marcy, iVIr. Croswell, Mr. 
Ritchie and other individuals whom I could name 
said, '-you are interpolating a new article into the 
democratic creed." They resisted it, and Gov, 
Ma.cy told me and told the late Gov. Wright, that 
on the Independent Treasury bill yve could not 
carry ten counties in the State, and it is extreme- 
ly significant and most unfortunate that the re- 
suit verified tiie prediction. Tiie democratic par- 
ty were thrown into a great minority in the As- 
sembly, and had there only 2.') members, I believe, 
out of 12S. But the citizen vtho then conducted 
the administration of the General Government did 
not choose (o be discouraged by this defection in 
his native Stale and per.severed in recommending 
the Independent 'I'reasury bill in December, 1837 
when Congress assembled. And Gov. Marcy in 
his gubernatorial message, the January following, 
did the same thing, and that great measure of in- 
dependence and salety became an article of the 
democratic creed, and Talimadge and Clark and 
others that might be named, went over to the 
Federal party. Messrs. Croswell and Marcy and 



^ 



others came back. Whether the great interests I to support a principle the truth of which they 
of the republican party were more benefitted by | admit. Now it is not true, in am- sense, that 
the return or defection, I do not now propose to \ we are dividing the Republican party. This c-y 



enquire, but shall confine myself merely to a 
statement of the historical facts. But while they 
came back, yet they were impotent an I helpless 
and disqualified by the declarations they had 
made in opposition to this great measure : They 
had put it in the power of the federal party to re- 
fer meielv to the editorial articles in the Argus 



of dividing the party is always got up hy those 
who, by resisting reforms, ti/oi'rfe the party them- 
selves. Submission to its demands would allow 
any squad of dissentients at any time to control 
the actioTi of the party. Nor is it true in any 
sense thit we are introducing any new principle. 
The principle of resistance to the iHstituiion of 



and the Richmond Enquirer, and other papers of Slavery is as old as the principle of the exist- 
that stamp, for arguments in opposition to it.— enceof man. There is not a human being, wha*- 



The Presidential Election of 1S4'J came on, and 
what was the consequence ? Why, what might 
easilv have been foreseen. The republican party 



ever he may say, whatever may be his local or 
sectional prejudices, that does not know or ac- 
knowledge that the traffic in human flesh, is 



had taken a position they knew to be right, — a disgrace to any people claiming any particle of 

position which they have never yet in their his- civilization or Christianity. The address I had 

tory abandoned when once fairly assumed, and the honor to report goes on to show that this 

which he must be mad who supposes they ever common principle of humanity has been the ac- 



will surrender — and they were found in advocacy 
of that great principle. But their leading men 
were cut down in consequence. Mr. Marcy be- 
came a candidate for the gubernatorial chnir in 



knowledged rule of action of the Republican 
party ot the Union until a very recent time. That 
while the democracy of the State, under the lead of 
the patriot Tompkins.decided to abolish slarery a* 
1333, and was beaten of course. The State i an evil and disgrace to the State, the patriots of the 
swung into the federal ranks, and in the pfesiden- 1 South heartily and cheerfully united with them in 
tial canvass of 1S40 the individual who recom- 1 all measures which had the limitation of slavery 
mended the measure, in ''ommon with the whole ' for their object and the melioration ot that institu- 
party throughout the Union, experienced a signal j tion for th«ir end. It has, however, suited the 
and disastrous defeat. But the great principle | purposes of politicians ot the present day to set 
put forward, the great measure itself, was not fi j up a new test and to declare that this great prin- 
nally overthrovn, and although many of t'he pro- { ciple shall be abandoned at the approaching pre- 
mineut men who contended for it, suffered for it, i sidential election, and they calculate on the love 
the measure itself became the law of the land, as 1 of office to sway the republicans of the State, and 
has been well said, " in spite oj" lamentations ' to secure, by the exercise of the patronage of the 
here or elsewhere," and the Piesident was j federal government, a majority in the National 



elected at the succeeding election on that 
principle, and it is now the settled policy 
of the land. 

So too when the democracy proposed the 
bill calling a Convention to amend the Con- 
stitution, it was charged that we were divid- 
ing the democratic party, that we were intro- 
ducing a new test and were going with the whigs. 



Convention, who will nominate a candidate in ac- 
cordance with their views. Now, they have been 
misled,beyond all doubt,at the south, by the course 
taken by the republicans of this state in regard to 
the then immediate annexation of Texas. Most 
ot the leading men in this State took prominent 
ground against it. Many of the Republican lea- 
ders in the State took the same ground, and the 



and that great measure wnich should have re- ^ Albany Argus, then claimed to be the organ of 
ceived the support of every true domocrat, ex- j the party, enquired whether " the ptople wanted 
perienced the abuse and opposition of the Alba- 1 war," and thus enquiring undertook to show that 
ny Argus to a degree hardly ever equalled. — : the annexation of Texas immediately must lead 
There is in this Convention a representative from j to that. Our people thus opposed to the imme- 
Dutchess' who served on the joint committee ofldiate annexation of Texas, s^ent delegates to the 
the two houses in regard to that measure, and to I Baltimore Convention, and a candidate was pre- 
whom undoubtedly, more than any other indi-jsented who was in favor of the immediate an- 
vidual in the State, is owing the lact that that j nexation of Texas, and a resolution passed 
great reform did not fall through in that session I in favor of annexation "at the earliest prac- 
of the legislature, who knows the contumely, the j ticable period." Mr Polk was put in nomi- 
abuse, that was continually lavished on Mr. j nation, and the party called upon to support 
Speaker Craix, himself, and otherprominent re- ! him. Great principles of popular freedom were 
publicans who persisted in pressing forward this | then presented to the people— the success of free 
bill at that session, and who refused to flinch ] trade— the establishment of the Independent 
from the standard of principle. That great i Treasury — the opposition to the United States 
measure when submitted to the people, re- ^ Bank— the acquisition and retention of the whole 
ceived their near.y unanimous a[)proval, and I of Oregon as a territory of Ireedom— filled the 
the majority to call a Convention was so over- | public mind of this State, and deterniined there- 
whelming that the original opponents of the j suit of that election. No man familiar with the 
measure "pretended to be in favor of it. The public sentiment of this State, whatever might be 
convention was thus called, it assembled, and | his views in regard to the annexation of I'exas, 
the present Constitution was the result of their j can fail toknmv that the speakers who address- 
labors, and it is now the subject of eulogy, not ed the public here in nearly 99 cases out of a 100, 
only by the entire Republican party, but by those thought it expedient and proper to make no re- 
who opposed it, in consequence of theif inability ference to this question as an element of the 

• T—T" eampaign. Nay, more, a candidate for the gu- 

•Jttdge Bockee. • r e ." 



21 



bernatoriai chair was selected (and I shall not < 
stop in this Convention to euloijize a man whose 
memory is embalmed in the heart of every true 
republican, and even whisj in the State — I al- 
lude to Silas Wright) who had voted against 
the treaty by which Texas was annexed, and who, 
previous to his nomination, addressed the peopJe 
in regard to the questions presented in that Con- 
vention, and urged the support of Mr. Polk. Gen. , 
Dix addressed the people in every portion of the 
State with his usual eloquence and ability, and , 
never alluded to the Texas question : and other 
speakers took the same course. And Mr. Clay, i 
with the peculiar infelicity which seems to dis- 
tinguish him, broached views in reference to , 
Texas, that made it impossible that any man op- 
posed to annexation, should support him on 
that ground. The election was thus conducted 
without this element, and we went to the people , 
with the candidate for President under the can- 
didate for Governor, and carried the State. Now . 
a reflection on these facts ouL'ht to satisfy our 
Southern brethren that a parallel occasion has 
not now arisen. The great statesman who carried 
the Electoral Ticket on his shoulders throughout 
this State, is now no more. The popularity he 
enjoyed is not possessed by any living man 
in this State. The great measures of the In- 
dependent Treasury and free fc-ade, are sub- 
stantially settled by thejud;imeut of the coun- 
try for at least the next twenty-five years — and 
constitute not only the settled policy of the great 
republican party, but of the country. The strong- , 
est advocate of a Bank of the United States ad- 
mits it is "an obsolete idea." If therefore South- 
ern statesmen believe that this State will present 
a similar majority on the issue they now propose, 
they reckon without their host. The question 
which we speak of, has a dangerous p.obabilitv 
of being presented to the freemen of' this State 
disconnected from any other issue, and.he who 
calculates upon their retraction of opinion or 
change of conduct, will wofully miscalculate 
the result to which they will arrive. Now I am 
free to say for myself, and as I have already said 
to the members of this Convention, I say so with 
the more freedom because it is no kind of con- 
sequence what my action may be, that I have ; 
never entertained but one opinion in regard to the ' 
traflic in human flesh, and buying and st Uing live 
bodi<;s. and that is an unqualified aversion and 
disgust for it ; and while I would give to those j 
States where it exists the security which the i 
Constitution has given to it, the moment they 
step an inch beyond this, they attract the public 
attention and invite a discussion of the evils of I 
slavery. They do so unwisely, and I regret it;' 
but when they do so, the free white people of! 
this State will discuss and condemn it. The idea j 
of marching, in the 19th century, with the im- 
mense power of this free republic, upon an en- I 
feebled and half civilized people and lorcingup- . 
on them the institution of slavery which they re- i 
ject, and make it afundamentalarticle of a treaty ' 
of peace that they shall be guarded against, is so j 
repugnant to my sense of what is due not merely ; 
to the superior magnitude and strength of our own : 
country, but so disgraceful to our free institu'ions, I 
and so pregnant with evil to ihe people of both ; 
countries, that if I could be satisfied that this j 



war is prosecuted to plant human slaverv in Mex- 
ico, devoted though I am to (he glory, honor, 
welfare and progress of these United States in 
every pulsation of my heart, in every breath of 
my life, in every fibre of my system, so help me 
God, I would join the Mexicans to-morrow in re- 
sisting such oppression I (Applause.) Xotonly 
this, but I would pledge myself to recruit, among 
the freemen of this State armies, while the king- 
dom of Polkdom was recruiting single men. 

But it is said that we must beat the whigs. This 
has been said to me by a great many. Well, said 
I, what are we to beat them upon, because when 
I go into a contest I want to understand what I 
am fighting for. I have been brought up to be- 
lieve that there contests involve some principle. 
It IS of no consequence to me who holds the of- 
fice of President, who receives ^-25,000 a year, 
or who is inspector of the customs and gets a 
certain per diem allowance; to me it is more con- 
sequence what are the principles involved. — 
Well, as a man asked me lately on his way home 
from Washington, probably under instructions, "is 
there any probability that the Republican party 
can rally on the only point that will save the 
country r" Said I, if they cannot now it is the 
first time they could not. Said he, "the war ought 
to have a cordial suppert throughout the state, 
and we must make it the issue and beat the whigs." 
Well, said I, it is difficult to make that the issue 
ill this State, because Gov. Young goes for the 
war without a proviso. It takes two parties to 
make an issue always, and if Gov. Young and his 
friends propose to maintain this ground, (and I 
presume jt is not necessary for me in this Con- 
vention to disclaim any particular regard for Gov, 
Young,) we cannot drive him off, unless they 
have on their side a peculiarity such as is possess- 
ed by the men at Albany and Washington, to 
scare the whi.-s from the ground they think right 
because the democrats are on it, as it is proposed 
CO scare the democrats from their ground because 
tl e whigs are on it. I told him that it was dim- 
cult to make the war an issue in this State, and 
that there was no doubt that any man who oppo- 
sed the war while i' was raging must destroy him- 
self in the state and country. The people ask no 
more (juestions under such circumstances, than 
would a man seeing his friend in a light, inquire 
of the bystanders how it was got up, instead of at 
once taking part in it and helping him out. The 
time to enquire about that is when the fight is over. 
And the expert whigs at Albany, see it, and ihey 
will carry a majority of their friends with them. 
Well, said he, "is not this new constitution a good 
issue— this call for a Convention :" You cannot 
make that the issue with all the whigs, although 
you can with the Conservatives, because the 
whigs, the great mass of them, supported the 
policy, anJ the Constitution was adopted with 
their aid. But, there is the great question of 
human freedom, one to which we are devoted, 
and which is the great principle pervading 
the public mind now. Shall we advocate that? 
"Why, the whigs are in favor of it !" I shall not 
stop to question the sincerity of their leaders, be- 
cause those who know me, know that I have no 
great respect forthat. They may adhere to the pol- 
icy perhaps, but they show a most unaccountable 
reluctance to press forward at the present day in ita 



22 



support, or to present a candidate for the Presi 
dency in favor of it. For no man, in my judg- 
ment, is fartiier from the position of the radical 
democracy and the electors of this State on this 
question than Mr, Clay on his Lexington plat- 
form. Now, gentlemen, in beating the whigs, 
and I hold it to be extremely desirable to do so, I 
propose to do it by adhering to the regular usages 
of the re|iublican party, in nominating their can- 
didates and putting forward their principles, and 
however many of the other pArty choose to come 
to their support, I can only say that it will not de- 
ter me from supporting my own principles and 
men — No ! not even if it left us no one to beat 
but the Conservatives — a victory not worth brag- 
ging about. 

Again, it has been urged that we must be 
silent as to certain great principles, take back 
the bolters and beat the whigs. We are in a 
minority now, and those men who arc most anx- 
ious to secure success at all hazards, seem to for- 
get that when Gov. Wkight, the most popular 
man in the State, ran for Governor, he was defeat- 
ed by a majority of 10,000; and that the recent 
ticket nominated at Syracuse was defeated by a 
majority of 38,000. It is, therefore, highly desir- 
able that those who are looking forward for 
something, should consider our present condi- 
tion. We have an administration professing de- 
mocracy, and we have too the declaration of the 
individual brought to Washington to be the mouth 
piece of that aiiministration, that it is " mo re- 
commendation to tlie administration to be a 
friend of the IVilmot Proviso." Thcnofcour.se 
Silas Wright was not a man favorably recom- 
mended to the administration, and, of course, all 
our Congressional delegation, our legislators and 
most of our electo's come under the same de 
scription of persons who have not succeeded in 
recommending themselves lo this administration. 
Nay, more, there has recently occurred a circum- 
stance in Washington in regard to the dispensation 
of the patronage ofthe general government, which, 
after all the explanation that has been made of it, 
seems to me to indie te that it is intended to make 
it a test in that distribution, whether a man does or 
does not believe in the principle of the Wilmot 
Proviso, if you choose — Mr. Myers proposition, if 
you please — or the great principle in the abstract, 
of consecrating free soil to freedom. Nut only 
that, but there are indications that it is the in- 
tention to make it a test at Baltimore, and that 
they propose to give us a President for the next 
four years, who of course will dispense thj jiat- 
ronage of the government in conformity with the 
test by which he is to be nominated, and the prac- 
tice ofthe administration which he is to succeed. 
Well, if that is so, gentlemen, if that is the fact, 
then, beyond all question, we are most em- 
phatically out of power now in the State and 
Union, and we should be infinitely woise in 
the minority after that administration has been 
chosen which is to proceed on the ground I have 
stated. 

■ Such then is our present |)osition, and it be- 
comes men of ordinary courage and intelli- 
gence to look the subject in the face, because noth- 
ing is gained by determined or resolute men in 
attempting to avoid the difficulties of their posi- 
tion, or by flinching from making provision in 



regard to them. We are then, as I have already 
stated, in that comfortable position known to a 
great many persons, of an inability to be worse off 
than we now are, except by being disgraced. — 
Now this convention is called for the pur[)ose of 
selecting, and I believe has already .selected, 35 
delegates to Baltimore. They have very properly, 
in my opinion, presented no candidate for the 
Presidency, because, in my judgment, the conven- 
tion is not prepared now to express with entire 
unanimity and accuiacy, the choice of those 
whom they represent These delegates will go to 
Baltimore and be received in that convention. I 
have heard it suggested that they would not and I 
wish to advert to that. They will be received 
there. They will go there, thirty-six intelligent 
and enlightened men ; they will carry with them 
the principles of the republican party of New 
York — the assurance that they truly represent 
those [)rinciples, and that whoever will carry 
them out, will r^■ceive the electoral vote of the ' 
State over Mr. Clay by a majority more com- 
manding than was ever before given in this State. 
Depend upon it nothing is more simple, in my 
humble judgment, than to give the Electoral 
vote of the State in opposition to the principles 
expressed by Mr. Clay. They are not the feel- 
ings of the people of this State, and will never 
receive their disent. In my judgment our dele- 
gates to Baltimore will say to that Convention, do 
you desire us to participate in this selection of 
the candidate or do you propose to have the elec- 
tion, so far as your nominee is concerned, go by 
default .' Now, whatever may be the judg- 
ment of others, my opinion is that in a 
nominating conventitm, if one may judge any- 
thing by the experience of 1S44, one of the 
strongest arguments you can use in regard to a 
nomination i.s, give us A or B to represent our 
principles, and we will elect him ; but give us a 
man pledged against us, and he will not be elect- 
ed. That is an argument which addresses itself 
with great force, not only to those men who wish 
to advance the principles of the party, but to that 
other and more active corps who never fail to be 
piesent at a nominating convention, who look to 
the patronage of the government for the life- 
olood of their existence. I anticipate, therefore, 
that the delegates, on going to that convention, 
will be received, and will steadily and strongly 
declare the views of the democracy of this State, 
and in so doing, will secure the nomination of a 
candidate around whom the Republican party of 
the Union can rally. They will do so unembar- 
rassed by any instructions or pie Iges, having no 
qualifying test prescribed beforehand, and having 
only to say — " We represent a certain setof prin- 
cipief ; New York has no candidate for the pre- 
sidency, and at least gratify us so far as to give 
us a man who will conform to the principles of 
human freedom, and the faith of the democra- 
tic party as it has existed for ages. If you think 
to bring us down from the platform we stand on 
to the miserable grovelling position you occupy, 
and suppose that a second Texas case has arisen, 
you misconceive the position of the State, then 
and now, and do not know the individuals who 
are to take part in the contest of 1848 " We may 
assume, therefore, that the delegates will be 
admitted to the Convention ; but suppose that 



23 



they are rejected Suppose that a majority 
will be found in that Convention who will be 
willing to violate the clear usages of the partj^ 
and to reject the delegation from this Slate, or 
what is the same thing, to do as was done at 
Syracuse on a small scale, swelling the con- 
vention from one hundred and twenty-seven 
to one hundred and thirty-seven members, 
take in a double delegation, and neutralize the 
voice of the State. Then our delegates have no- 
thing to do but to come home, under the assur- 
ance thus given them by their brethren at Balti- 
more, that the republican party of the Union is 
disbanded, and that it is the business of eVery 
State to look out for itself. 

Well then, gentlemen, I agree witli those who 
suppose we must have a ticket in the field for the 
presidential election, and I agree with those who 
think we suffered greatly last full from not having a 
ticket to represent us on which the democracy 
might have ralliod. But it must be recollected that 
last fall the appearance of regularity, and the actu- 
al machinery of the party was in the hands of the 
conservatives. They got the show of regularity, and 
you would find on the vote of the electors of tin's 
State, a respectable number, who, under any cir- 
cumstances would adhere to such a nomination, 
and thus a faction insignificant in numbers and 
contemptible in point of character, would have 



may be put in the field at Baltimore, that Elec- 
toral ticket is irregular and bolting, tried by any 
test that may be applied to it, and never will re- 
ceive my support. It will be the duty of the de- 
mocratic members of the Legislature to call a 
State convention, v^ith a view to nominate a can- 
didate for Governor and an Electoral ticket, and 
either when that Convention meets or before, it 
will become the duty of the democratic party 
carefully and earnestly to enquire who should re- 
ceive the electoral vote of the State. For, that 
the electoral ticket nominated by that State con- 
vention regularly called, will succeed in securing 
the suffrages of "a majority of the voters in this 
State, I have not the slightest doubt. Now be- 
tween that time and this, there wijl be ample op- 
portunity afforded for ascertaining the wishes and 
views of" the democrats of the State in regard to 
the Presidential ticket they may desire to vote. 
I agree cordially in the resolution expres- 
sive of the esteem in which the democratic party 
hold Thomas H. Benton. I remember the 
proud part he took in securing the expunging of 
the resolution of censure on Gen. Jackson — the 
bold and steady course he pursued on the Inde- 
pendent Treasury bill— the open and manly stand 
he has ever taken in behalf of Democratic prin- 
ciples, and I honor his ability, industry and sig- 
nal disinterestedness. So there is a citizen of 



appeared nearly equally to divide the republicans Pennsylvania who has just received proofs of the 



of the State. This is now altered. Fortunately for 
us, those men have seceded from the republican 
party. They have set up an organization for 
themselves, and fraudulently even on their own 
principle, have nominated an electoral ticket, 
when it is notorious their convention was not 
called for that purpose. However, they have got 
their ticket in the field, I am happy to say, and I 
hope that they will keep it there. I perceive too 
that though the ticket is not raised, the Argus has 
raised their flag. It is the Guerrilla flag, with a 
death's head upon it — most appropriate certainly, 
a skeleton should have a death's head — and 
with the motto upon it of " No Quarter ;" which 
sounds most preposterous from a faction who can 
hope to overpower no one and have no quarter to 
give. I presume the other conservative pi esses 
will each in due season be furnished with dupli- 
cates,- for the original, as we are assured, is in 
the War Department! And no matter who may 
be named by the Baltimore Convention, they are 
pledged to support him. No matter who it is, 
whether black or white, nor what may be his 
principles, that electoral ticket is to support that 
nominee, or in the words of some they " go it 
blind." This then will be the condition of the 
Republican party. An electoral ticket under a 
guerrilla flag, and a candidate that may be pre- 
sented by fraud and outrage— a bolting electoral 
ticket that no true man would support under any 
circumstances And I am free to say that I will 
support the ticket of the regular Democratic Con- 
vention that nominates a Governor, Electors, &c. 
and will refuse to support the electoral ticket, as 
at present nominated, under any contingency — 
nay, even if in defiance of his well known wishes 
the convention should nominate Martin Van Bu- 
ren for the Presidency. I propose the next fall 
to be strictly regular, whatever I may have been 
the last, [applause ;] and no matter who or what 



confidence in which he is held in his own State 
in being elected to the first office in the State by 
a majority of from 10,000 to 15,000< and I could 
cordially support a man of his integrity and abili- 
ty. So too, a citizen of our own State, most ap- i 
propriately alluded to in the resolutions, distin- 
guished for his republican manners, his high 
sense of honor, strict integrity and rare accom- 
plishments ; and who is daily giving in the U. 
States Senate the most striking evidences of his 
ability to succeed to the place made void in the 
affections and service of this people, the vacuum 
left by the death of Silas Wriglit. In order to 
secure the nomination of a proper electoral tick- 
et, it will be the duty of the democracy to see 
that when that Convention assembles, it be com- 
posed of men of the same character and integrity 
and ability as the members of this Convention — 
that it is not to be directed by time servers — 
men who hope for profit, and have special 
obiects to serve — but who will select honor- 
able and intelligent candidates for office — who 
will f.iirly express the preference and wish- 
es of the democracy of the Slate of New York. 
I know that it is suggested at Washington, I do 
nut know from what source of information, that 
the delegates from tiiis State maybe rejected, and 
our views not consulted, because they can get 
along in a presidential election without this 
State. Well, it is always gratifying to hear those 
who have been your friends talk stout. It is 
gratifying to me that there is a point of observa- 
tion from which it can be seen how a President 
may be elected on the democratic side without 
the vote of this State. There may be some fa- 
cilities for making observations from Washington 
that do not exist here ; but it strikes me that men 
who will say with the full knowledge of the 
past history of the country, that a presidential 
election can be carried in defiance of the wishes 



24 



and vote of this State, must be stone blind. — 
Those familiar with the presidential contests for 
years lono; back, know what confidence it gives to 
a party and how far it goes to secure success to 
give the assurance that you are able to command 
it. And nominate a candidate at Baltimore in 
defiance of the views of New York, or after ex- 
cluding the rightful delegates of the State to that 
convention, and you will not only not carry that 
State, but be utterly beaten in the Union. Let 
the whigs in Tennessee or Ohio, or any other 
State that may be deemed doubtful, be able to 
claim as certain on the 1st of Junj the 3C> elec- 
toral votes of New York, and the Baltimore nomi- 
nee vyill not get 36 votes in the Union. Everybody 
familiar with the politics of this country knows 
that the feelinS which pervades New York ex- 
tends to Michigan, Ohio, Illinois and Indiana, 
whose people are bone of our bone and flesh of 
our flesh. A notice, therefore, to the Democracy 
of New York that they are not wanted in the 
canvass, will receive a prompt admlssioa of ser- 
vice in the West. 

Now, allow me to say a few words in 
relation to the condition of the Republican 
party in this State, though I do not know 
that I can add anything to the suggestions 
in the address. There is everylhing to me 
attractive and encouraging in the position of 
the party, in its past history, in the great re- 
forms it has accomplished, in the sound financial 
system it has established, upheld and incorpor- 
ated in the fundamental law, and the high moral, 
political and financial position this State is known 
to occupy. These are calculated to invite the 
attention and approbation of every lover of free- 
dom, and of every one who admires success- 
ful civil government. And as I said befme, I 
have no more doubt that the regular candidates 
of the democracy next fall will be sustained by a 
majority of the votes of the electors, than l" do 
that such a ticket will be nominated — not a par- 
tide. It may be perhaps because I belong to the 
order called sanguine, for I am never afflicted 
with doubts or misapprehension except when I 
see a proposition to surrender principles or sub- 
rait to an imposition. And why not.' The regu- 
lar organization of the party is in the hands of 
the true democracy, there is no division in re- 
gard to the existing war, we are united in cordial 
support of the new Conrtitution, and the great 
principle of consecrating free soil to freedom — 
and on those tsvo great questions our views are 
those of avast majority of the electors of this 
State. In my humble judgment there never 
was a time when there was promised to the 
democratic party a more certain victory. — 
It is no new thing for them to be victori- 
ous, but rather it is a new thing for them to 
be defeated, and that is one of the new things 
that the Conservatives inflicted on us in 1S37, 
183S, 1S40, 1S46, and 1S47. The great difficulty 
heretofore has been in persuading the people of 
the country who ardently love liberty, that there 
was any essential difrerencel)etween the two par- 
ties. One is called democrafic, and the other at 
present democratic whig. You go to the people 
with a question bearing remotely on government 
like a tariff. We contend that it builds up priv- 
ileged classes — that it is an imperceptible mode 



of taxation which conceals and encourages extra- 
vagance — that trade should be free. Its advo- 
cates reply that it encourages and rewards Amer- 
ican industry — that it furnishes a market for ag- 
ricultural products. Laborious discussion and 
much time are required to satisfy the public that 
a Protective Tariff is opposed to the spirit of a 
free government. So too with the Independent 
Treasury. It was long before you could satisfy 
the people, when the Argus and Messrs. Marcy, 
Tallmadge and others were resisting it, that it 
was necessarily democratic to separate the gov- 
ernment and the treasure of the people from the 
banks. This has been one of the great difficul- 
ties that has affected political action. But go to 
them on a question about buying and selling a body, 
a question which overrides all legislative or ex- 
ecutive grants of power, or discussion as to their 
true boundaries, all questions of^ local interests 
and comes down to the human being himself, if 
you cannot make the people believe that it is de- 
mocratic to resist the extension of human slavery, 
it is better (o abandon politics and adopt some 
other mode of serving your fellow men. [Ap- 
plause.] There is therefore every thing, it seems 
to me, calculated to invite on the part of the de- 
mocracy of this State, such a course as is consci- 
entiously pursued by this Convention. And it 
does appear to me that with young men who pe- 
culiarly look to questions of principle, and dis- 
cussions calling for the exercise of ardent patri- 
otism and enlightened intelligence, there is eve- 
rything in the clearness and directness of the 
principles presented by the democratic party to 
secure their generous support. Nay more, if they 
are actuated by motives of ambition, I can point 
them to the prospect for the future, and an al- 
most uninterrupted ascendancy for the last fifty 
years. There is every thing in the present posi- 
tion of the democratic party calculated to attract 
the virtuous and patriotic citizen who soars above 
mere office and looks to the vindication and estab- 
lishment of the great principles of truth and free- 
dom. 

I have now adverted to all the points which 
I regard as prominent, that are noticed in the 
resolutions, with the exception of one. I re- 
fer to one which speaks in just and proper 
terms, in my judgment, of a distinguished mili- 
tary man, who has reflected honor on his 
country, and if the period has arrived in this 
country when there is a general determination 
to abandon all political questions except the 
one of freedom and free soil ; and to resort 
to moral qualifications instead of political ones 
in a candidate, you may succeed in presenting 
that individual as a candidate for your support. 
I am free to say that at the next Prsidential elec- 
tion one thing is certian — that is, if so insignifi- 
cent an individual as myself is expected to fake 
part in it, it must be in support of a man who 
agrees with me in principle — and he must be a 
man. 

I have thus adverted to the difl^erent views 
I have thought it necessary or proper to present 
in regard to the resolutions submitted by the 
committee. It struck me that it was proper per- 
haps to modify one of the resolutions introduced, 
that in regard to making the proviso a test in the 
Presidential election. I should be inclined my- 



25 



self to confine our declarations to what we now 
think and to what has been already done. On 
consultation with the committee I find that a 
majority are inclined to let the resolution stop at 
the word "sectional rfiuts/ons," without refer- 
ring to what our action may be in a future con- 
tingency. The resolution would then read thus : 
Resolved, That while the Democracy of New. York feel 
called upon by the regard for principle and a conviction 
of duty to reiterate this emphatic declaration of their sen. 
timeuts and wishes, they have not how, nor have they ev- 
er had, any desire to prescribe a test in the Presidential 
canvass which might prevent the Union of all who sus. 
tain the general principles of the democratic creed; and 
that they deeply regret that any of their Southern breth- 
ren should have unwisely laid down a platform inconsis. 
ent with that union and inevitably tending to break up a 
national party into sectional divisions. 

I am inclined to think that those who desire 
this Convention to express a determination not 
to support a man as a candidste for the Pres- 
idency not in favor of the consecration of Free 
Territory to Freedom, as well as those who think 
such a declaration at this time open to the objec- 
tion we urge against others, and inexpedient, 
will unite in support of the resolution thus amen- 
ded. I suggest this amendment, but shall vote 
for the resolution in either way. I think the pro- 
per course for the party in this State on going in- 
to Convention with the rest of the Union in good 
faith is to tell them, that these are the principles 
of the democracy of New-York, to which we will 
unalterably adhere ; we have no candidate, and 
having imposed no tests, we have no compromises 
to suggest. Give us your man and tell us the prin- 
ciples on which you propose to stand before the 
American people, and It-t us see whether we can 
support him and them. And when they comply 
with this reasonable request, and give us their 
man, and he is nominated by the Convention, and 
our delegates acquiesce in the selection, then it 
will become the duty of those who at the election 
day deposit the ballots to say what and how ma 
ny' tests they will impose — who, and which of 
the candidates they will select. 



Speech of Mr. Rathbun, 

OK CAYUGA, 

At tUe Democratic State Convention at Utica, 

Feljruary 16, 1848. 



Mr. BATHBUN said : 

Mr. President : The call upon me is entirely 
unexpected, and has taken me so much by sur- 
prise that I feel myself unable to respond to it 
in a suitable manner. I am little accustomed to 
speak in the presence of such a large and 
august assembly as this. Besides, sir, I have lis- 
tened with such intense interest to the reading of 
the able, eloquent and unanswerable address, by 
my learned friend, Mr. Van Buren, that what 
few ideas I had at its commencement, have en- 
tirely evaporated. But since I am upon the floor 
I will proceed to make a few remarks not on gen- 
eral topics, but in reference to matters relating 
immediately to the action and objects of the de- 
mocratic party in this State. The address pre- 
sents distinctly our principles, and defends not 
only our principles, but our position with extra- 
onUnary ability. It points with unerring certain- 
ty to the evidences of the interference of the Na 



tional Administration in our domestic politics. 
It sliows, that that rickety concern called the 
Albany Convention, authorized by no party, rep- 
resenting no constituency in this State, is the 
fruit of that unwarrantable interference. Sir, 
no man of ordinary observation can fail to have 
'perceived, from the close of the election of 1844, 
up to the present moment, that a scheme of dis- 
organization, tending to the ultimate division of 
the democratic party in this State has been pur- 
sued with a degree of zeal and energy worthy of 
a better cause ; and that the faction engaged in 
that scheme here, have been publicly approved 
and upheld by the organ of the administration at 
Washington, and with very few and unimportant 
exceptions, the members of that faction have been 
the recipients of all official favors of the adminis- 
tration itself. In spite of protestations to the con- 
trary, these things are regarded by the democra- 
tic party of this State not only as an approval of, 
but as the inducement to this disturbance in the 
democratic ranks. The faction thus encouraged 
have no principles, no object, save the spoils of 
office derived from public plunder. 

To obtain this, although living in a great, free 
and prosperous! State — in a State from which the 
curse of slavery has been blotted out under the 
wise and humane recommendation of that pure pa- 
triot and statesman Gov. Tompkins, sanctioned 
and sustained by the whole people,yet so degraded 
and corrupt and shameless is this faction, that they 
are willing and anxious to become the tools in 
the hands of southern men to aid in extending 
this curse 6f the white man to territory now 
free. They are ready to turn traitors to the north, 
traitors to the democratic party, traitors to the 
cause of freedom, and free soil, and freedom of 
labor, and free speech. I speak not of the con- 
dition of the slave. I do not pretend to know, 
nor is it necessary that I should express an opin- 
ion in this place, whether the effect of Slavery 
is beneficial or injurious to him. J am looking 
to its effect upon the white man, the free white 
man of the country ; men who labor, and whose 
wives and children labor, whose labor is their 
capital, and who are honored and respected be- 
cause they labor. This faction are ready and 
willing to degrade this class, to render labor dis- 
graceful by bringing it in contact with servile la- 
bor. They are ready to brutalize it by depriving 
it of the common schools. Slavery and the de- 
gradation and ignorance of the laboring white 
population are unavoidable — they go hand in 
hand. The school disappears, education is con- 
fined to a few who govern with equal facility the 
laboring people of the country, bond and free, 
and through the influence of this institution they 
govern the free states, as they have with trifling 
exceptions, for the last fifty years. All this the 
Rodin of the Argus, and his Jesuit band are 
willing to aid in effecting for the paltry consider- 
ation of office. We are charged with opposition 
to the war because we are not the advocates of 
slavery. We are charged with interpolating new 
tests into the democratic creed, because we will 
not make war upon free soil and free labor. We 
stand where the democratic party — where the 
whole people of this Union stood in the days of 
the revolution, and where the democratic party 
of this State has always stood. We stand upon 



26 



the Ordinance of Freedom of 1787, by the side of 
Jefferson. Here the whole people of all the 
states stood, until John C.Calhoun introduced the 
new test — the new creed in politics and morals — 
that "Slavery is the greatest blessing that God ever 
bestowed upon man " We do not subscribe to 
this new doctrine. The Union, the big organ, and 
the Argus, its echo, the little organ, follow Cal- 
houn, and denounce the democratic pavty of this 
State because it adheres to the old platform ot li- 
berty. 

Mr. President — the venerable Senator from 
Michigan, once an ardent advocate of the Jeffer- 
sonian Ordinance of 17S7, has discovered some 
new light, and 1 understand has recently written 
a letter to Tennessee, in which he avows himself 
the advocate of slavery extension. This is a sud- 
den and radical change in the views of that dis- 
tinguished Senator on that question, and I pro- 
pose to enquire briefly into the reasons of that 
change. Mr. President, I know very well the 
views and feelings of that senator in the month 
of August, 1S4G. I learned them from his own 
lips. On the day that Congress adjourned and at 
the time that senator Davis, of Massachusetts, 
spoke up {o the adjournment of the Senate on 
Wilmot Proviso, I met the Senator at the Rail- 
road depot in Washington, and rode near to him 
and conversed freely with him between that place 
and Baltimore. The senator appeared somewhat 
excited, spoke freely and with a good deal of en- 
ergy on the subject of the " Proviso." He stated 
to me, that every northern democratic Senator 
had agreed to vote for it, and but for Mr. Davis' 
speech would have voted lor it, He said repea- 
tedly, that "heregretted very mucli that he could 
not have recorded his vote for it, before the ad- 
journment." I expressed as much regret as he 
did, but not precisely for the same reason. J de- 
sired the record — he the popular applause. He 
said he never regretted anything more than the 
failure to reccft-d the votes of Senators. Ind*'ed 
sir, this was the principal topic of conversation 
to Baltimore. This, Mr. President, continued to 
be his language all the way to Michigan, as I un- 
derstand. When we met again at the capitol, I 
thought I discovered some sympton.s of that 
change in the Senator's^views on the subject of 
the Proviso, which he has since by his vote, and 
letter, so clearly demonstrated. Mr. Brinkerhoof 
of Ohio, one of the ablest, and firmest supporters 
of the Pioviso, an honest and sincere Democrat, 
I know was a warm friend of the Michigan Sena- 
tor, and preferred him to all others as the candi- 
date for the Presidency in 1S4S. I mentioned to 
him my suspicions. I told him the Senator was 
in the chrysalis state, and that in my opinion he 
was preparing to desert, to turn traitor to the 
north, to freedom, and to become a soldier under 
the blaik banner of Aggressive Slavery. Mr. 
Brinkerhoof denied, disbelieved, and thought I 
was doing injustice to the Senator, invited me to 
go with him and call on the Senator and I would 
be satisfied I vvas mistaken, I expressed my wil- 
lingness to go with him at any time and assured 
him of the great pleasure it would afford me to 
find myself mistaken on this point. 

Mr. President, at the suggestion of Mr, B. we 
proceeded at once to the room of the Senator. 
We found him somewhat bustling and busy in his 



preparation to go out. Mr. B. led off in some 
casual remarks about the Proviso and its pros- 
pects — the bustle increased a little. The Sena- 
tor "thought it premature, — better to give it the 
go by this sessin, nothingto be gained by pressing 
it now — suihcient for the day is the evil thereof." 
I was anxious to bring the thing to some point, 
and for that purpose remarked to the Senator 
that there were im()ortant reasons for pressing 
that question to a vote in both branches, which 
probably had not occurred to him, and they were 
these — the South had usually carried their points 
against the north upon all questions; that when 
necessary they had always found dishonest men 
enough in both houses of Congress, who would 
sell out and enable them to succeed, that the 
samestate of things still existed — that there were 
men enough in the market to defeat the Proviso 
and that it would be defeated; that we should be 
betrayed as we always had been, but that the 
defeat would be harmless, nothing v^ould be set- 
tled l>y it, the question would remain open, and 
the people who had dishonest representatives 
here, whrse rights were to be bartered and be- 
trayed, would have time to get rid of the traitors 
and send honest men in their places, before the 
final settlement of the question and thus we 
were to be saved. The Senator replied, "Oh, if 
it comes to the vote I am with you, you know." — 
"Of course you are," was the reply, and thus we 
separated. This conversation was some three 
weeks previous to the vote taken on the Proviso. 
But, Mr. President, this is not all I have to say 
of the Senator from Michigan and his marvel- 
lous change. About two weeks previous to the 
vote which was taken on the Proviso, I met in 
the streets of Washington.a gentleman of distinc- 
tion from one of the Slave States, now a Senator 
in Congress, who enquired of me what I thought 
of General Cass? My reply was, very little. — 
"Will he do as he agrees?" he asked. I an- 
swered him that, that depended, in rny opinion, 
altogether upon the consideration. " VVell,"said 
he, "if he should promise to vote against the 
P^ovi^o upon the ground that the South are to 
support him as the candidate for the Presidency, 
do you believe he would do so?" I told him 
there was no doubt about it ; upon that considera- 
tion he was as sure as death, and I thought he 
might, if he wished, throw in the hanging of a 
few northern men in addition. Mr. President, I 
do not undertake to say-here that Mr. Cass made 
a bargain or the bargain which I have just refer- 
red to. I can only say that the gentleman who 
informed me of the fact, is a man of honor and 
unquestioned veracity. He was not a party 
to the bargain, but simply gave it his assent, 
providing the general fulfilled on his part, which 
he has since done to the letter. Mr. President, 
I have not seen the Senator's Tennessee letter. — 
I do not know its contents, except upon infor- 
mation. I am told he says in that letter, that he 
thinks he sees, and really feels a change going on 
in the Free States against the ordinance of free- 
dom, and in favor ot the extension of slavery. It 
is said that the change in the Senator is so com- 
plete, that he avows his readiness in that letter 
to veto, if he should be President, the Ordinance 
of 17S7, an ordinance drawn bj Jefferson, voted 
for by every member of Congress except one. 



27 



and which gave to the State of Michigan univer- 
sal rreedom, and will ultimately make her one of 
the great StatPS o( the Union. Such a man is 
unworthy of the confidence or support of any de- 
mocrat. No honest man, of any purty can vote 
for him. He is worthy of his party in this State 
and they of him. He is the embodiment and true 
exponent of the principles of Edwin Croswell's 
Convention. His nomination by any party would 
defeat it in4his State, by more than one hundred 
thousand votes. 

His gaze upon the glittering walls of the Wliite 
House^ has obscured his vision, his head became 
giddy, and he mistook the iniaginary whirl and 
change of scene, for something real. He gave a 
desperate leap for the White House and will light 
in the mire and filth of the wrecked hopes and 
blighted prospects of an ambitions but worn out 
politician. The Senator is a little too fond of 
hobby-riding. He mounts every one that comes 
within his reach, applies whip and spur until the 
poor thing is run into the ground. Now he is 
mounted upon a poor little ill-looking,black,long- 
haired, long-eared, shaggy pony, whipping, spur- 
ring, pufBing and Mowing, in favor ofSlavery, 
as the direct road to the Presidential Chair. He 
goes the whole for slavery, nothing for freedom. 
His competitors in the field are mounted much 
after the same fasliion, all on the same hobby; 
some are all for slavery, some for half; some for 
about SG*^ 30', — not one in the crowd on the Pre- 
sidential race course, shouts for freedom and free 
labor, or is mounted on a nag that bounds from 
earth to Heaven with tlie power, spirit or energy 
of freedom. I do not desire, Mr. President, the 
election of such men. If liberty is to be barter- 
ed and strangled by slavery, it is better that the 
whigs should do it. I cannot tolerate a North- 
ern men who will degrade himself and his coun- 
try in tlie estimation of all good and true men, 
for the sake of an office. Sooner than see the 
Senator from Michigan elected President, or arij 
northern min who thinks and acts like him on 
this subject, I would infinitely prefer one who 
has been mentioned here to-day. (Several voices: 
name him, who is it.') I allude to General Za- 
chary Taylor. (.Applause.) But, Mr President, 
I am in favor of an honest, sound, reliable, north- 
ern man, a true and genuine democrat, who can- 
not be bought and sold or intimidated by any sec- 
lion, interest or faction. 

Mr. President, I have alluded to the charge of 
the organs, Mr. Ritchie's and Mr. Croswell's, of op- 
position to the waV. Sir, thtise organs always 
play the same tunes, and carry two parts in per- 
fect harmony. Against Gen. Jackson, when 
first a candidate for the Presidency, they perform- 
ed harmoniously. On the Independent Treasury 
and against Mr. Van Buren their concerts were 
greatly applauded by the Whigs — the war, the 
proviso, abusing the democratic [)arty of N. York, 
and endeavoring to destroy it, are performed in 
excellent style and with most ludicrous effect. 
Mr. President, I know little of actual war. I 
have read of wars where powder and lead have 
destroyed their thousands. I have read with pride 
of the achievements of our brave troops and val- 
iant officers in Mexico. War is expensive, great 
sacrifice of human life, of money, are necessary 
to carry it on. Now, sir, I think the adminis- 



tration at Washington lack knowledge and ex- 
perience in the art of war. They do not seize 
the means at hand best adapted to the accomplish- 
ment of their desisns. If I might be permitted 
to suggest to the Secretary of War, it does appear 
to me that he might speedily close this war by 
the destruction or conquest of Mexico. Sir, if the 
Secretary will send the organ and its editor, and 
the little organ and its editor, Messrs. Ritchie and 
Croswell. into Mexico with instructions to pur- 
sue, in reference to the Mexicans, the same course 
that they have for the last few years towards de- 
mocrats and the democratic party of this State, 
and of the Union — they would soon produce 
so much discord, disunion and anarchy that all re- 
sistance will soon cease, and Mexico is ours. — 
Sir, let them perambulate the territory of Mexi- 
co, harping upon the same string, ringing eter- 
nal changes in the same tune — confusion and 
despair will seize the poor Mexican, and he will 
consent to be a slave for the sake of harmony. — 
They have already performed greater things than 
this. When the Union sounded its first note and 
assumed the right to take the whip and reins, the 
democratic party had very nearly two-thirds of the 
members in both branches of Congress united 
and harmonious. When the Argus commenced 
to echo its song, the democrats in this State were 
as strong. 

In two short years they dissipated and destroy- 
ed our whole force, and put the power into the 
hands of the whigs. The House of Rejjresenta- 
tives is whig and the Senate still worse ; the bal- 
ance of power there is in the hands of political 
cow-boys. At home all is whig. Every politi- 
cal office in the State of any importance, is in 
whig hands. This is the work mainly of Cres^ 
well and Ritchie. If they can do all this, wiH 
any one pretend that they cannot conquer Mexi- 
co .' But if there is any doubt of their success 
with such weapons, then Croswell should be au- 
thorized to i^reach up a crusade in favor of sub- 
duing Mexico for the extension of Slavery He 
is not without experience in this branch of busi- 
ness. He has shown his capacity, by his crusade 
against one of the purest, wisest and best men 
and patriots in the fall of 1846. He has shown 
his tenacity of purpose by yielding only to the 
more insatiate demands of the grave. Peter, the 
hermit, was aided by the religious zeal and fana- 
ticism of the age ; duty, morality and religion, 
aided in moving and exciting the multitude; the 
recovery of the holy land was a most meritorious 
work, and deatii in its accomplishment the sure 
entrance to jiaradise. Mistaken but honest mo- 
tives governed the crusaders in Peter's time. — 
But Croswell's crusade against Sil.\s' Wright 
had no ;ittraciions for good or honest men. It 
was an attack upon every principle of morality, 
and violated every |)rinciple of religion." Mer- 
ce.iary motives, prejudices, bad passions were 
appealed to succes.sfully for the accomplishment 
of a mo.st infamous act. Sir, a man so gifted to 
move tiie bad passions of bad men, could point 
to the ruins of Mexico, the sure hope and pros- 
pect of public plunder, aided now and then by a 
flourish of patriotism, and his army of crusaders, 
avaricious as merciless, would fall upon Mexico 
with the same secresyand subtlety, and with the 
same fatal effect that they did upon the lamented 



/ 



28 



Silas Wright. Mr. President, I owe this As- 
sembly an apology for having occupied so much 
of its time. 



The Democratic Press. 



Preaching ana Practice. 

[From the Jeft'erson Democrat. 

We are pleased to see, by the last Jeffersonian 
that a " Congressional District Convention," for 
the choice of a delegate to represent the twenty 
towns of Jefferson county,composingthe 19th dis- 
trict, in the Democratic National Convention, is 
called a week from next Tuesday At the Amer- 
ican, in Watertown. Messrs. J. C. Dann, William 
Carlisle, and Abner Burlingame appear to have 
affixed their names to such a call, as a "Congres- 
si(>nal District Committee," and have endorsed 
this prospective assembly as democratic. 

To do away with the useless machinery atten- 
dant upon recognizing the validity and utility, of 
Town Committees, "the democratic electors of 
the National Administration, and approving the 
proceedings of the Albany and Syracuse State 
Conventions," are directly requested by the afore- 
said J. C. Dann, Wm. Carlisle and Abner Burlin- 
game, to meet on Friday the 3d of March next, 
and elect at least three delej^ales to represent 
their respective towns in said Convention; and 
the sapient and democratic editor of the Jefferso- 
nian, pronouncs the authority of Messrs. J. C. 
Dann, Wm. Carlisle and Abner Burlingame, 
"clear and undeniable," from the following pos- 
tulate and syllogism. " The democratic electors 
favorable, &c., can only assemble under authori- 
ty," "All authority is derived from the Albany 
State Convention ;" Messrs. J. C.fDann, Wm. Car- 
lisle and Abner Burlingame, in their capacity as 
a committee, are an emanation from the Albany 
State Convention. Therefore Messrs. J. C. Dann, 
Wm. Carlisle and Abner Burlingame can author- 
ize the assembling of the democratic electors fa- 
vrorable, &c. "without the formality of the inter- 
vention of the toun committees." 

Although we should consider it most unfortu- 
nate if by any means this "Consiressional Dis- 
trict Convention" does not assemble, or the pre- 
cedent meetings of the electors "approving of the 
proceedings of the Albany and Syracuse Conven- 
tions" do not take place, yet there are one or two 
prominent features in this procedure that seem 
to demand a passing notice from us. 
Mr. Surrogate McVean prepared for the Albany 
Convention an address, and in addition thereto 
delivered himself of a speech, in both of which 
he discoursed largely of "central influences." 
Now, although he seemed impelled to do this, 
much in the manner the murderer is forced at 
last, by the tormenting furies, to proclaim his 
crime, yet his inate courtesy forbidding his lay- 
ing to his colleagus — the Croswells, Comings, 
Denios, & Co. — this sin ot the i\lbany regency, 
he must per force, ridiculous as was the posicion 
it placed him in, ascribe it to the Radicals. — 
On his own side, he claimed, speaking for the 
above Croswells. Comings, &c., that, "Hence- 
forth the people will be their own leaders. Pub- 
lic opinion which hitherto was elaborated at the 
centre and compelled to the extremes, henceforth 



will be the aggregation of individual opinions 
flowing in free and healthy channels from the 
extremes to the centre." 

The practical comment afforded on the above 
well rounded text, by these Albany preachers, 
may be gathered from their appointment of 
Messrs. J. C. Dann, Wm. Carlisle and Abner 
Burlingame, as a Congressional committee, to ex- 
ercise authority over electors who had no hand 
in their selection, and to annul the Junctions of 
town committees that might not recognize theirs, 
and assist in convoking these electors. In truth 
it was doubtless intended that this declaration 
against "central powers," should have the same 
force with the hostility to banks and desire for 
freed trade that are also manifested in this ad- 
dress; while the initiated might look in another 
place for the correct instruction on this point, al- 
though it is disguised by a past tense. " The 
lords paramount at the centre controlled (are to 
control) the intermediate lords in the centre of 
each county, and they again controlled (are to 
control) their minor divisions." 

As we have remarked, we hope this triffling 
circumstance will not prejudice the assembling, 
according to the call, of the democratic electors 
" approving the proceedings of the Albany con- 
vention;" for really, this class of democrats can 
hot spare a single member from their attenuated 
ranks without fearfully jeopardizing their ability 
to carry out the suggestion of the editor of the 
Jeffersonian to appoint town committees on the 
5th from among themselves; we fear as it is, 
judging from a memorable convention held in 
Mr. Russell's parlor, some towns will have to re- 
tain to their old committee from utter inability to 
find among its democrats one even who " ap- 
proves" according to the standard. 



The Utica Convention— VVliat Cause la there 
for Conttiiuctl Dissensions 7 

[From the Rochester Daily Advertiser] 
We briefly remarked on Saturday that the 
doings of this Convention present little cause of 
complaint on the part of sound and disinterested 
democrats. Considering the excited state of po- 
litical and personal feeling, we think this re- 
mark is emphatically true. 

What did it do? What principles did It avow 
— what policy recomm.end — what 'tests' establish 
to which all good democrats will not heartily re- 
spond ? Let us see. 

As the proceedings are Hot published in ex- 
tenso, we will state from recollection, and in ge- 
neral terms, the principle measures put torth in 
the address and resolutions. These were : ulti- 
mate free trade with a revenue tariff' in the mean 
time; the policy of '42; opposition to public 
debt, state or nation; opposition to the land 
monopoly; vigorous war measures so long as war 
continues; hostility to the European balance of 
power system , as applied to the North American 
continent, 'at any sacrifice of treasure and blood ;' 
hostility to the forcible annexation of the popu- 
lous parts of Mexico, though in favor of territo- 
rial indemnity as the only feasible means on the 
part of Mexico, of liquidating our just claims up- 
on her ; in favor of excluding slavery from terri- 
tory to be acquired, so long as it remains a terri- 



29 



tc^ry ; the general ticket system of choosing dele- 
gales to the National Convention, and so on. 

Not to enumerate all the topics embraced in 
the Address and Resolutions — which we are una- 
ble to do from unassisted memory— what is there 
in the above to which *' sound and disinterested 
democrats" will object? Look over the list again, 
and when the official proceedings shall be pub- 
lished, look with yet closer, but still impartial 
scrutiny, and then say what there is in all the 
principles, measures and recommendations of the 
Utica Convention, which furnishes sufficient 
cause /or perpetuating divisions in the bosom of 
the Democratic party, which have so often resul- 
ted in overwhelming disaster. We appeal to the 
Democracy of Monroe and of Western New York 
generally, to consider the whole matter candidly 
— as men desiring above all things of a political 
nature, to witness the triumphant establishment 
of principles and measures for which they have 
80 long struggled, surrounded by towering local 
majorities, — we appeal to them as patriotic, as 
reasonable men, to aay if there be anything here 
presented which calls for a permanent separation 
of brethren, vv^ho have so long toiled, and still 
professedly continue to toil, for the attainment of 
common objects? If so, where is it ? In what 
does it consist ? 

It will be said by persons, to whom, as well as 
to whose motives, objects and aims we now for- 
bear to allude more particularly, that there is 
good and sufficient cause for separation ; that they 
cannot honestly (!) and consistently maintain the 
doctrines of the Utica platform ; and hence they 
must insist on a distinct and really hostile organ- 
ization ; and why ? 

Their principal grievances are two, and so far 
as we know, they are two only : the Utica Con- 
vention adopted the general ticket system, and 
it also adopted what will be called the Wilmot 
Proviso, at the same time disclaiming any idea 
of making it a test of Democratic orthodoxy. — 
Oppo3iti.)n to these measures, in the opinion of a 
few political puritans among us, justify a resort 
to antagonistic organizations, in fact to an abso- 
lute division of the patriotic republican party. 

A word on these points: what is there in the 
results of the general ticket system, so far as this 
county is concerned, which calls for the election 
of another delegate? The S'ate Convention con- 
stituted for the 'express purpose' of determining 
how delegates should be elected, decided after 
proper deliberation that it was inexpedient to 
abandon the old mode of electing by States. The 
consequence is, that Henry R. Shelden Esq., was 
choseu to represent this county and district in the 
Baltimore Convention. What objection to Mr. 
Selden ? Will he not faithfully represent his 
constituents ? Were you to re-select a delegate, 
would you not be at least as willing to select Mr. 
Selden as any body else ? He is reg^ularly elect- 
ed, in pursuance of immemorial usage, and what 
pretext can be justly assigned for electing ano- 
ther ? Will the masses ponder the import of 
these ? — for they apply as fitly to other portions 
of Western New York as to Monroe. 

Another view of the general ticket system ; it is 
a question of organization only, it is eminently a 
proper one to be determined by a majority, to 
whose decision a minority ought cheerfully to 



submit. I.-< not this so ? What would become of 
political parties, if, in every case of disagreement 
in matters of organization, the minority should 
refuse to submit to the majority, and should 
"bolt" and set up an antagonistic organization? 
Could any degree of efficiency be maintained ? 
Could any confidence be placed in party strength, 
were that strentith liable at any moment to be ar- 
rayed against itself on some paltry question of 
regularity in party procedure — some miserable 
quibbls raised by a mercenary seeker of patron- 
age and plunder ? Our own party history for a 
few years past, is replete with instructions on 
this point. 

But the creat bugbear is the Wilmot Proviso ! 
The Utica Convention 'resolved' against the ex- 
tension of slavery into territory now free, and in 
reference to a possible contingency, evidently 
looked to Congre.ss to guard the territories against 
a surreptious introduction of that institution — in- 
sisting on its constitutional right to say that 
slavery shall not exist there, unless the people 
under a state organization shall authorize it But 
in order to meet any honest objection to the legi- 
timate and rightful authority of congress over it, 
the convention further resolved, that a recognition 
of the right claimed fbr Congress should not be a 
"test" in the democratic creed. 

Now what is there wrong in all this ? Whence 
the necessity for a new and hostile organization, 
unless indeed, it be for the purpose of extend- 
ing slavery into territory now free ? 

Inasmuch then as perfect tolerance of opinion 
as to the extent of the power of Congress over 
the institutions of the territories, is recognized 
by the Utica Convention, it follows that no issue 
can fairly be raised on that point. But that Con- 
vention felt and expressed the most decided re- 
pugnance to (he further extetision of Slavery ; 
and here there is a chance for an issue. And 
we wish the Democracy of this section to take 
notice of the fact, that if a fair issue on the slave 
question be raised against the Utica Convention, 
it can only be done by taking ground in favor 
of the extension of that institutioii ! We in- 
sist THIS TO BE A MATTER OF INEVITABLE 
NECESSITY. 

It is fervently to be hoped that the Democracy 
of Western New York, where slight differences 
of opinion have not as yet resulted in antagonis- 
tic organizations, will be fully impressed with the 
importance of still maintaining an undivided front 
When the oilicial proceedings of the Utica Con- 
vention shall appear, as they will in a few days, 
let them be read with care ane attention; and let 
every Democrat divest himself of his preju lices and 
form his own opinion as to the necessity of es- 
tablishing a separate organization for the purpose 
of combatting successfully the doctrines and the 
principles promulgated by that body. 



Fanaticism of the Slave-Kxtcnslonlsts-^the 
Dough-taces rebuked. 

The proceedings of the State Convention of 
the Democrats of Alabama, held at Montgomery, 
on the 14th inst., to nominate Presidential elec- 
tors and delegates to Baltimore, are published, in 
part, in the Washington Union. A portion, bow 



30 



ever, is omitted, which we find copied in the 
New York Globe. They are of an extraor- 
dinary and may add, shameful character. We 
quote them below : 

Whereas, Opinions have been expresspd by eminent 
members of the Democratic party, and by aconvj-ntion of 
the party in New Vork. assembled for the purpose of se- 
lectinEf delegates to the Baltimore Convention, that the 
municipal laws of the Mexican territories would not be 
changed m the ctded terrij'^ry, by the cession to the Uni- 
ted bcates, and that slavery could not be reesialiliohed ex- 
cept by the authority of the United States orof the LeiJiis. 
lature of the territorial government— that no doubts should 
be allowed to exist upon a subject so important and at the 
same lim" so exciting. B' it further 

Resulved, That the treaty of ces.sion should contain a 
clause sccurii :g an entry into those teriitories to all the 
citizens of the Uni'.ed States, togelhei with their property 
of every descri|)tion.an 1 that the same should remain pro- 
tected by the United States while the territories are under 
its authority. 

Pi.esolvtd, That if it should be found inconvenient to in- 
sert such a clause in the treaty of cession, that our Sena, 
tors and Representatives in Congress sliouldbe vigilant to 
obtain, before the ratification of such a treaty, ample se- 
cunties that the rights of the Southern people should not 
be endingered duiing thepeiiodthe terri'ories shall re- 
main under the control of tile United States, either from 
the continuance of the municipal law of Mexico, or from 
the legislation of the Uuited Stsites. 

Ilesolved, That the opinion advanced and maintained 
by some, that the people ot a territory, acquired by the 
common toil, sutt'-ring, blood and treVsure, of the people 
of all the States, can, in other events than in the forming 
a constitution preparatory to admittance as a State into 
the Union, lawfully or constitutionally prevent any citi 
2en of any such States from removing to, or settling in 
such territory with his property, be it slave property or 
otherwise, is a restriction as indefensible in principle anl 
as dangerous in practice, as i( such ics' riction were im- 
posed by act of Congress. 

Resolved, That tiiis Convention pledges itself to the 
country, and its members pledge themselves to each 
other, under no political necessity whatever, to support 
for theothce of Tresident and Vice President of theUni- 
ted Statis, any person who shall notopenlv and avowedly 
be opposed to either of the forms of excluding slavery 
from the territories of the United States, mentioned in the 
resolutions, as being alike in violation of the constitution 
and ef the just and equal rights of the citizens of the 
slave holding States. 

Resolved That these resolutions be considered a? in- 
structions to our Delegates to the Baltimore Convention, 
to guide them in their votes in that body; and that they 
vote for no man for President or Vice Prtsident who will 
not unequivocally avow themselves to be opposed to eith- 
er of the forms of restricting slavery which are described 
in these resolutions. 

It is not necessary to point out or dwell upon 
the enormity of these doctrines. This strained 
and unwarranted construction of the Constitution 
is tainted with something worse than the highest 
Federalism. It i.s the assertion of a power not 
existing in the Congress, nor in the Territories 
nowhere written or implied, yet omnipotent, to 
subvert Laws, to establish Slavery, to destroy 
Freedom. Whence the power is derived they do 
not say. Where lotjged they can not tell. It is 
an indefinable and unmentioned power, never 
before discovered, just now developed, fnith in 
which and obedience are exacted as political 
tests, and wliich is to operate to overturn an ex- 
isting local law and establish peculiar institu- 
tions in its place. What enormous, fatal and 
preposterous doctr That, in the absence of 



laws by Congress or authorised action by the 
Territories, the unwritten but universal law of 
FVeedom would govern the latter, we believe. — 
For freedom is the natural condition ; a state which 
requires the guaranty of no affirmative law, while 
slavery is an artificial condition that can only be 
created, if at all, by the power of actual afiirma- 
tive laws. The monstrous doctrine of the slave- 
extensionists is, that there is an undefined com- 
mon law of the Constitution which authorizes 
slavery in all the territories of the Union, but 
which has no place, in its code, for the law of 
freedom. 

It is against the dough faces of the Albany 
Convention that these denunciations of the Ala- 
bama Convention are levelled. Even after crawl- 
ing in the dust, at the feet of the South, they are 
spurned and scorned by those whom their abase- 
ment sought to conciliate. But let them not 
despair! Mr. Croswell has gone ahead, as a pi- 
oneer, to learn what further degradation is neces- 
sary to conciliate the task masters. When the 
lower depth is sounded, we know well how ready 
they will be to plunge into it, if anything is to 
be gained beneath its filthy tide. 



A Chance for the Uoltcrs. 

There is a chance opened, at last, for the con- 
servative bolting delegates, the Croswells, Peck- 
hams, Whites, &c., brought forth under quack 
auspices of the Albany convention. Messrs. 
Peckham & Co. have so often been turned out of 
Conventions that it will be a consolation for them 
to get a chance in one, where they can be seated 
in repose, and not be under the necessity of dis- 
guising their principles. 

Forty-two firms engaged the Iron business, have 
called a Convention to meet at Harrisburgh on the 
22d of March to agitate the repeal the taritl'of 1846, 
or as they express it — "for the purpose of devising 
some plan in order to accomplish, by every hon- 
orable endeavor, a remedy for the evils complain- 
ed of, and of making known both to the Genera) 
and State governments, the injurious effects oj 
the present revenue I atvs, on the great staple in- 
terests of Pennsylvania." 

Here is a Convention in which Messrs. Corn- 
ing and Croswell, who labored in the Congres- 
sional lobby against the Tariff" of '46, may find 
a comfortable place, congenial associations and 
principles, and a full swing. They will have 
no new speeches to learn, as those they made in 
the lobby in '46 will serve a second time; and 
they can boast that the threat then leveled against 
the democratic members of Congress from New- 



31 



York — that not one who voted for the present 
tariff, should be re-elected, — has been nearly ful- 
filed to the letter, by their disorganizing and bolt- 
ing efforts. 

The Iron Masters have made large profits, for 
the last eighteen months ; they have multiplied 
mills and furnaces; the increase of their manu- 
facture, over last year, in Pennsylvania alone, is 
counted by millions of pounds. But they think 
that they can wring out of the necessities of the 
country, under the war debt, a little more pro- 
tection, or can, at least, make panic for Mr. Clay. 

The panic of 1S44-5 and 6, was, they acknowl- 
edfje, premature. But they say, with Dick Swiv- 
eller, "the iron is just beginning to enter their 
souls." They are determined on a new panic, 
and they know how much better one is on the 
eve, than after an alection. 

We trust that those extensive manufacturers of 
humbug, paper money, political panic, and other 
protected and non-protected articles, Messrs. 
Corning & Croswell, will be present at the affair. 
They will meet the men who endeavored to de- 
feat the Tariff of '4G, and who, failing, did throw 
the present Congress into the hands of the whigs. 
Let Mr. Corning elect Mr. Croswell delegate, 
and, (according to usage,) the latter gentleman 
will reciprocate the favor. Let them, when ad- 
mitted, read that portion of the Albany Brandreth 
Address in which they proclaim themselves Me 
only true friends of Free Trade, and the as- 
sembled manufacturers will give them the high- 
est place as Masters of iron-y and of humbug. 

The September Convention. — Whatever a 
few factionists may say of the call of a State Con- 
vention by the Legislative Caucus, or however 
they may assail the majority of the democrats of 
the Legislature, their action meets the general 
approval of the democratic masses and press. — 
The Otsego County Democrat, after adverting to 
the pitiable inconsistency oflhose who last fall 
contended that the power over this subject was 
in the hands of the democratic caucus of this 
Legislature, and not in that of the last, and who 
now deny the power of either, says : 

" Wc are gratified to see that .Messrs. Chambfrlain 
and Sai.>ders, from this county, attended. i)artici(iate.l 
and correctly repreBentcd their constituents, by acting 
with the majority and according to regular democratic 
usages." 

Mr. AVlImot at Ilchne. 

The Democratic Convention of Bradford Co., 
Pa., held OQ the 8th inst, adopted the following 
resolution : 

Be olved, Thj.t our confidence in the Hon. David Wil- 
jnot is unabated. That we know his true-hearttd devo- 



tion to Democratic principles, and the rights of man; we 
cannot and will not he driven from his snpport, so long as 
he continues on the side ol justice and humanity. Never 
will we assist to strike down the man who strives for con- 
stitutional freedom. That we are unawed, as we trust he 
is, by the influences which are at work to prostrate him. 
That when patronage and power combine in a crtisade 
ajrainst honesty of purpose, duty, which is pnramount to 
all other consiJeratioDs, demands us to stand iirmly on the 
side of right. 

Mr. W. was then elected one of the two dele- 
gates to the Harrisburgh Convention by a vote of 
."SO out of 60 ! The insolent denunciations of the 
Washington Union, and tne slang of the Conserv- 
ative organ here, seem to have only the effect of 
strengthening a champion of Freedom and De- 
mocracy in the estimation of the Democratic 
masses. 



OcRiocratIc Joint Caucus. 

At a Caucus of the Democratic members of the 
Legislature held at the Senate Chamber on the 
21st inst., at 72 o'clock, P.M., pursuant to a call 
of the Senate committee and a majority of all the 
Democratic members elected to the Assembly ; 
the meeting was called to order bv Mr. Senator 
Floyd, on whose motion Hon. Saxton Smith, 
was appointed Chairman. 

Mr. Cobb and Mr. Myers were appointed Sec- 
retaries. 

The roll being called five Senators and nine« 
teen of the Assembly answered to their names: 

Mossrs Fine, Floyd, Ha\vley,8mith, ^Vhailon of the Se- 
nate, and Bowie, Calhoun, Chanibeilin, Charlock, Heaton, 
Keith, Kennedy, Little, Maxun. Moss, .Myers, PecU, Saun- 
deis, W. Sydney Smith, Stewiirt, Toll, Towcsend, Wius- 
low, Cobb, ot the Assembly. 

The Chairman announced that a majority of 
the democratic members of both Houses were 
present. 
Mr. Fine offered the following resolution:— 
Resolved, That it b^r recommended to the democratic 
electors, of each Assembly district in the State, to appoint 
a delegate to a State Convention, for the purpose of nomi. 
natmg canaidates for electors of President audVice Presi. 
dent ; for Governor and Lieut. Governor, and for such 
other Siiite officers as 3i e to be cliosen by general ticket at 
the next fall election. 

Upon this resolution the ayes and noes were 
called, and the vote thereupon was as follows : — 

^1/fs— Messrs. Floyd, Fine, Hawley, Smith. Whallon, 
Bowie, Calhoun, Chamberlin, Chwrlock. Cobb, Heaton, 
Keilh, Kennedy, Little, Mbxoh, Moss, Mjers, Peck, Saun- 
■ lers, VV. Sidney Smith, Stewart, Toll, 1 ownsend, Wins 
low —24. 

ifays — None. 

The following resolution also offered by Mr. 
Fine, in blank as to time and place, was filled up 
and unanimously passed: 

Resolved, That the State Convention be held atUticaon 
the 13th day of September next at 12 o'clock, M 

Mr. Myers offered the followin,-; resolution : 
Rcnolred, That a joint committee of throo ir-:n the Sen 
ate and fire from the Assembly, be appui;i;v; 1-y the Chair 
to prepare an Address and Resolutions, t, ! Mibmitted to 
an adjourned, meeting of the democrjtic n . r.bers of the 
legislature. | 



I. 



32 



Which was unanimously adopted and the chair 
named the following gentlemen aa such commit- 
tee: — 

Messrs. Floyd, Fine, Hawlet, Myers, 
Keith, Peck, Little. 

And thereupon the Caucus adjourned to meet 
at the same place on Wednesday the fifth day of 
April next at 7i o'clock, P. M., at the Senate 
Chamber. 

SAXTON SMITH, Chairman. 

Chas. G. Myers, Js^^^^j^^j 

William Cobjb, ) 



THE ALBANY ATLAS. 

THE DAILY KVKNING ATLAS, Six Dollahs per 
annum. Mail subscribers are expected to jiay in advance, 
orlurnish satisfactory city reference. 

THE ALBANY ATLAS, (Semi-Weekly,) published on 
Tuesday and Friday of each week, and cuntainiiig all the 
matter of the Daily : Two Dollarsi per annum, il paid in 
adv.ince, or $3,00 If not so paid— being the cheapest paper 
in the State. 

THE ALB.^-NY ATL.\S, (Weekly,) a sheet of the 
largest siie; filled entirely with reading matter to the ex- 
clusion of all advertisements, and published every Satur. 
day : 0>r. Dollar per aunum, if paid in advance, or 
;^l,80if paid otherwise. 

VAN DYCK k CA981DY, Editors. 

Ai.BkrT, November, 1947. 



LiBRftRV OF CONGRESS 




011 464 390 7 



